The Grey River Argus WEDNESDAY, October 5, 1949. EAST v. WEST

Grey River Argus, 5 October 1949, Page 4

The Grey River Argus WEDNESDAY, October 5, 1949. EAST v. WEST

the greatest land mass

on earth, the Soviet appears, possibly because of its unity in aim and action, to be countering the Western world from day to day. The feud with Tito, whilst dialectics may be more in evidence, does not signify so greatly as the Kremlin moves in other directions, hi protesting that the partial liberation of Western Germany under a Parliament of its own is only an imperialistic move by the Western Powers, the Soviet lias at the same time speeded its plans to set up in Eastern Germany a regime whfch will be more subject to Moscow, than the Bonn Parliament will be to Washington or London. The United Nations presents at present more than ever a clear-cut division between East and West in the sense that an increasing number of satellites are seconding every Soviet move on the chess board. It is exemplified alike in the breaks with Tito, the difference as to Germany, and finally the most vital issue of China. Ln fact the question has arisen as to whether Russia now may not range China on her side in the United Nations, and thus control two of the five votes on the U.N.O. Security Council. It might be said that this development is not necessarily a bad one. if the Eastern bloc should identify itself more completely with U.N.0., it might be presumed that that organisation would bo enabled to play a more effectual part in promoting discussion and preventing unilateral action of a kind that might lead to more serious friction. On the other hand, the action of the Soviet in the case of both China and Germany, not to mention the rest of Eastern Europe, is being taken without regard for U.N.0., but in direct contradiction of Western policy. There still is doubtless the calculation at Moscow, as hitherto, that development may at any time create a divergence or a division in the West. There are on the Continent at the moment (•vident differences with Britain, relative to devaluation and the removal of German factories. There now is the further possibility that Britain might recognise tlie Chinese Communist regime without waiting to see what, may be the policy of the United States. Anyway Russia as well in Germany as in China is breaking at least even with the Western Powers, and in the Far East is able to exert to-day on the maintain no more influence than ainy other Great Power through its solidarity with the Communist rulers of the vital part of China. The parallel has even gone further still. The Soviet apepars to have as good as a hold of the atomic bomb. In the United States things arc by no means in apple pie order. The industrial upheaval is more radical than the accounts of it indicate, and there are arising doubts about the country’s defences. Active 1 naval heads have proclaimed the conviction that coordination is working badly and undermining the morale of their service, whilst the veteran adviser of Presidents. Mr Bernard Baruch, declares the urgent necessity of a standby-plan of mobilisation in case of sudden emergency. It must be presumed that the strategic headquarters of the Western world is now located in the United Slates, and that it is not significant as it used to be when in Britain there is a disposition to discount the risk of any great emergency. It may be reassuring when there is a suggestion that the United Nations Assembly may meet in Moscow, in a lew years’ time, but the fundamental fact at the moment is that actual policy is not subject to the United Nations in all critical matters. The situation is aptly phrased as a “cold war”, but. it is not becoming cooler by any means. ”