INDIA’S STATUS

Grey River Argus, 31 July 1924, Page 7

INDIA’S STATUS

dominion rights sought. LAST ATTEMPT FOR PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT. A cable the other day stated Mr. Das Indian Leader, is making a last attempt to settle with the, British Government on peaceful lines the demands of India for national rights, in preference to a campaign )o force the concession of these rights. Mr John Griffiths, Secretary of the New Zealand and Indin League, Wellington, writes to the “Argus” on the Indian question as follows: — It is a very widespread fallacy that Indians have never been used to de moeratic forms of government, and few people are aware that prior to British rule India had for more than 5,000 years her village republics or Panchavats. These Councils enjoyed more complete measures of «elf-government than the Parish Councils in Britain, or tho District Councils in New Zealand to-day, for even minor civil and criminal eases were isettled by them. Their ancient Aryan institutions have now almost entirely disappeared under Brtish bureauoratie rule. although some of the Native States are reviving them. Like most races long inhabitat ing tropical countries Indians became rather lethargic, but the number of insults and oppressions that have been heaped on them, both at home and abroad, finally roused them to make efforts to free themselves politically. It is well known that after long periods of repression re action takes place, for truly it has been well said that “revolution is reform long delayed.” But the danger is that in any revolution, as in France and more recently in Russia, the pent up forces find an outlet in violence. Some of India’s leaders, seeing the immediate danger there, are making .strenuous efforts to direct the pent-up forces along constitutional channels rather than leave them to become dissipated in revolutionary violence. But it is by no means surprising that a large number of the people and their leaders :irc thoroughly disgusted with such forms of government as they have known. There is that bitterness that j proceeds from “reform long delayed. ” It is this spirit which gave rise to the Non-co-operation (with the Government) movement led by Mr M. K. Gandhi, who is a. follower of Tolstoi and

a teacher of non-violence. Yet his. followers effectually stirred up the spirit of hatred against the alien government which led the ignorant and excitable mobs to riot and murder. When the Indian Reform Act of 1920 came into operation much disappointment was expressed because of its inadequacy, largelv owing to the fact that the possibilities it contained were not realised by many. So the followers of Gandhi boycotted the elections for the new Central and Provincial Assemblies. Those who entered the Councils were intent on using them for all they were worth, and their three years work will compare favourably with that of any parliament. This roused the Gandhians and many of them contested the 1923 elections advocating entering the Assemblies in order to wreck them and render the Reform Act completely inoperative and thus force on complete self-determination or Swaraj. Recently, in two of the Provincial Assemblies, Bengal and Central Provinces the Swarajists have defeated the Government in a no-confidence motion; but when called upon by the Governor to form a Ministry they refused to do so. This left the Governor no other option but to fall back upon the old bureaucratic and autocratic methods of the pre-reform days. In Bengal, after a defeat, another Ministry was suc.cessfullv formed but the Council has refused the grant of salaries to the Ministers by one vote. So the old method of departmental administration must now be carried on without the popular Ministers, and the Governor must use his powers of allocating funds necessary for certain work. But this power does not extend to new work, and educational bodies would be entirely deprived of the grant which is votable by the Assemblies if the Budget is thrown out, and this also the wreckers have threatened to do. Meanwhile, those leaders who fully realise the value of steady, consistent work along constitutional lines, such as Dr. Annie Besant, the Right Hon. Srinavasa Sastri, and the Hon. B. Sapru, with a number of other prominent re (formers and members of the Assemblies, took the initiative and called a National Conference in Delhi in 1922. The avowed object of this Conference of those who were favourable to constitutional methods was to call a National Convention with the purpose of drawing up a provisional Constitution to submit to the Imperial Parliament for ratification or modification. The final result of the first Xatonal Conference led to the publication and wide circulation of a mass of literature dealing with what had been attempted and what had been accomplished by the Central and Provincial Assemblies. The second National Conference was held in February 1924 and finally it determined to call the National Convention for April 22nd and the succeeding days to be held at Allahabad, there to commence the draft for the Provisional Constitution following precedents of, Canada and Australia. This matter may take some months. To have submtted such a Constitution to the late die-hard, or Baldwin Government would have been perfectly hopeless, but the British Labour Party has expressed full sympathy with Indian constitutional aspirations, ’ though, whilst the Labour Party re-

mains in a minority in Parliament, they may be able to do little towards realising their desires. Meanwhile, a deputation composed of the afore mentioned three leaders was ( appointed at the last Conference and [ they have added some prominent men to I their numbers; their special work is to confer with a Parliamentary Committee in Britain, and thus prepare the way for the new Constitution and Dominion Status for an awakened India. > (Signed)—John Griffiths.