RECORD OF LYING

Greymouth Evening Star, 16 October 1939, Page 10

RECORD OF LYING

HITLER AS A DIPLOMAT. At the end of 1918 a defeated Germany was protesting plaintively that she had never wanted the war which she launched in 1914, wrote H. C. Bailey in the London “Daily Telegraph” recently. Now that under another despot the German Reich finds herself again committed to the old desperate gamble, “world might or downfall,” it is worth while to put on record the methods by which her I Fuhrer has brought her to this pass, i Six years have elapsed since the German people entrusted their destinies to Herr Hitler. In that Spring of 1933 Europe had some reason to hope that a measure of disarmament might be agreed upon. The nations were working together for that end •with evidence of good will. Herr Hitler proclaimed a policy of peace, reconciliation, and agreement as a basis of all decisions and every undertaking. Perhaps some people who had read “Mein Kampf” did raise their eyebrows and shrug their shoulders. But there was a general readiness to believe that the Fuhrer with the responsibility of Reichskanzler might show statesmanship and some respect for pledges which he gave' in that office. . The pledges were certainly encour-l aging. Europe was told that HerlHitler rejected’ the use of force as a means of removing differences between' .States and would discuss all political and economic questions only within the framework of and through the treaties. “The German people,” it was virtuously added, “have no thought of invading any country.” The most enthusiastic supporter of the League of Nations could have asked no more. But somehow or other

the' actions, even in 1933, did not match the words. By October Germany left the League and the Disarmament Conference, oddly enough at the very moment Sir John Simon was making a speech to reconcile the French and German ideas of disarmament. Still Herr Hitler’s words went on being (fair. If into some minds a doubt did steal of the sincerity’ of his desire for international co-opera-tion, he was most pacifically eloquent over the Saar. At the time, that valuable coal field had not been returned from French control to Germany. The Fuhrer was vehement in .declarations that once the Saar region was joined to the Reich again “only a madman would consider the possibility of war” between Germany and France.

■ , The Saar declaration was the first Hof a long series of undertakings to -j abjure territorial demands. But, with j these, what we must call the Hitler >1 technique of perfidy was displayed in -I full outline. Subsequent, develop.l ment has filled it in with blatant coljour and invested it. with more frighti fulness, but. the policy has been the j'same- through ail these six years. I The Fuhrer makes a demand on this State or that, or, indeed, on the 'whole comity of nations, with solemn [premises that, if it is granted, lie willi jba.ve nothing more to ask, he will abide j by all his obligations. A month or [two later, (he obligations are broken [and ho is shouting tor more conces- . sions. I THE OFFERS OF TREATIES. I Further to delude his victims he; ; has made a practice of voluntarily] offering pacts, assurances and guarantees to those States which at a| later stage he intends to pillage or' destroy. Thus we find him at the beginning of 193-1 making a non-aggression - agreement with Poland which was not allowed to stand in the way for a ' moment wlmti, this year. Herr Hitler

thought the time had come to destroy Polish indefendence. But many lies had to he told and

his signature had to be many times dishonoured before the present stage was reached. After the Saar question had been settled the world was assured that “the German Government is ready to accept not only the letter but also the spirit of the Locarno Pact.”

It was- still necessary to lull Europe, and in particular France and Britain, with protestations that Germany desired peace and good will. Her secret rearmament had not then gone far enough for even Herr Hitler to venture on challenging the Western Powers.

In 1935 Britain and France invited him to join in a general settlement which would remove the special military restrictions imposed upon Germany by the Versailles Treaty. The Fuhrer declined a conference, insisted on separate conversations, postponed them and before they had been held proclaimed that there was a German Air Force already in being and conscription would be at once introduced. But still the world was told that the Locarno Treaty would be kept by Germany, whatever else she broke. In the same 1935 speech Herr Hitler vowed that “Germany neither intends nor wishes to interfere in the internal affairs of Austria, to annex Austria, or to conclude an Anschluss.” By this time a certain hesitation was being felt, all over Europe in believing the Fuhrer’s word on any subject. The feeling spread that it was safer to be without any assurances from him.

In the Spring of 1936 the Fuhrer denounced the Locarno Treaty which he had been endorsing year by year and almost month by month. Promptly he marched German troops into the demilitarised Rhineland zone and began to fortify it again. So the' "scraps of paper” fluttered down the wind.

1 But, to be sure. Herr .Hitler senl after them a cry, ''Germany will never break the peace of Europe. After 1 three years I can regard the. struggle * for German equality us concluded to’lday. We have no territorial demands " to make in Europe.” No territorial demands? How grim--1 ly familiar the words sound to-day. ]. But in 1936 the world was still far from appreciating Herr Hitler's capacity for perfidy. On April 1 of that year, a date ap- ' propitiate enough, be submitted to us a Peace Plan of his own, which included a “25-year pact, of uon-aggres-siou.” The British Government sent him a questionnaire to discover what his nebulosities meant, but he has never found it convenient to explain. He was through 1936 and 1937 engaged in completing his preparations for greater adventures. Armaments had to be built up. Italy entangled, Europe distracted by fomentation of the conflict in Spain, with Nazi and Bolshevik, fighting a sham fight, io throw’ Europe- into disorder for their common profit. In February of 1938 the . Fuhrer was ready to accomplish the rape of Austria. The old familiar technique was employed to cover his designs. Dr. Scinischnigg, hapless man. saw Herr Hitler at Berchtesgaden, and re- : , ceived from him a. reaffirmation that j he recognised the full sovereignty of ' Austria. That was, Dr. Schu.schnigg < believed, "a great gesture for peace.” j and be spoke ef “trusting the word and peronality" of Herr Hiller. Next j iiiimth Herr Hiller’s troops marched [ into Vienna and Austria became a sub jcct province of the Reich.

"SE LF-1) ET EIl MI NA TIG N." I The excuse for this wa - that “the lights of sell'-detcrminji.ion i-.innoi. fie ignored because merely G.-rman • arc affected.’’ At once a iiii nace was revealed to every country in Eu'epi which contained any Ger'iiaii-speakiiig' or iiypijf hoi i'':iH.c Gij'jii'ni i'.mmanii \-

y Our Government was sent assurances from Berlin that the Fuhrer d had no hostile intentions against s Czechoslovakia. Marshal Goering, e worthy lieutenant of such a chief, n gave the Czech Minister in 'Berlin his ?- “word of honour” that his master had t spoken the truth. Czechoslovakia r might well “like not the- security.” But o the threatened State and the rest of Europe continued to hope that there i, was some limit to Herr Hitler’s meni, dacity. He had so far only sought to annex territory in which the German •- language was predominant. r While the rights of the quarter of i- a million Germans' among the 7,000,000 r - Czechs were being made by fuiious propaganda and provocation a cause .1 of quarrel, Herr Hitler still continued t to protest “we want no Czechs” in the i- Reich. There is no need now to recount 3 the details of the agreement which he 1 signed at Munich a. year ago. But 1 let us not forget that the Fuhrer 1 then gave one more of his pledges, i After Munich, he assured Mr. Cham- - berlain, he would "have no further in- . terest in the Czech State.” It was to t retain its- national existence, its poli- .■ tical and economic independence. i In the middle- of March this year, r less than six months after that underj taking, the Czech President was sum--1 mo’ned to Berlin and compelled to sign , a document declaring that the fate of the Czech people- was placed by him i in the hands of the German Reichs- - fuhrer. Next morning German troops - we?e- in Prague and the- Czech State 5 and people were swallowed down into j the maw of the Reich. Then Herr Hitler felt himself strong - enough to stake his all on the old i gamble of German ambition, the- drive ■ to the East for world empire. Poland ■ was marked down for the next victim, i What, if he had bound himself by a - treaty, which had still five years to ; rum that he would make no aggression on. Polish rights or territory? Treaties arc scraps' of paper; promis- ■ es and pledges are (ricks to delude. lie demanded the inclusion of Danzig in Germany and a route across the Polish Corridor for Germany to her detached province of East Prussia, What had he to offer Poland in return? A recognition of economic rights in Danzig and another nonaggression pact presumably as valuable and as enduring as (he pact and recognition which lie had just torn up. Could any nation in the world trust such German assurances now? Poland bad the example of the destruction of Czechoslovakia reeking at her threshold. With stupendous effrontery Herr Hitler told his servile Reichstag: “Poland, like Czechoslovakia a year ago, believed under the pressure of a lying international campaign that it must call up troops." The similarity needed no emphasis from him. Poland ami Europe and the whole civilised world uro well aware "that they have io resist a tyranny of perfidy which - must be. ended now for (he safety’ of J mankind. 0