SENATOR BORAH

Greymouth Evening Star, 9 May 1936, Page 10

SENATOR BORAH

A JOURNALIST’S IMPRESSIONS Frank L. Perrin, Associate Editor of the “Christian Science Monitor,” writes: — “Not so long ago, in a middle western city which was once my home. I visited a factory formerly owned by ’ a member of our family. It was equipped, I found, as it always had been, to manufacture certain machinery and implements, but especially I rinting presses and transmission de- x vices. . In a storeroom adjacent to the foundry and moulding room there are still stored the expertly fashioned and skilfully finished patterns which had been used, thousands of times in producing the parts which go to make up the completed product. Many of these patterns were of models now rendered out of date, almost obsolete. The vision of newer and perhaps, better wavs has induced a revolution in methods and in the day-by-day application of the thing produced in meeting recognised needs. Now there is no slightest intention to compare, invidiously or unsympathetically. the picture inexpertly described with any person or persons. But it is almost impossible, as one inquisitively appraises the materials offered and seeks to adapt them or fit them to the political needs of the hour here in the United States, to Jose sight of the fact that in the making of responsible executives and representatives in government through alt the years since the days of George Washington we have accumulated much used and unused material, some adaptable and some not now fitted to present-day uses. It is not that the model has changed with the passing years, so much as that emergencies in which the machinery must be used have become more frequent though possibly no more acute. Our age has become an intensive age, perhaps more progressive than its predecessors; certainly more venturesome; possibly less considerate in its concessions to the fights of individuals and classes. In fancy I have sought to estimate the result were it attempted to adapt to present-day uses the farm grain reaper of two-score years ago, or the railway locomotive of the ’7o’s. The experience of these machines in service, no matter how long or how useful would not greatly add to their value or enhance their usefulness in the tasks now to be accomplished. Of course, it is unavoidable, after all. There is an inescapable comparison which must be made. .Just now the people of the United States are taking stock, carefully and deliberately, of the first-grade political material offered for their use in what they have been taught to believe is a great economic and social emeregency. Which model will best serve them? What is the great task to be undertaken courageously and performed? It was with these questions unanswered that I sought and was granted an appointment with William-Edgar Borah, senior United States Senator from the State of Idaho. I had met him previously, and had heard him speak in public many times. I remembered him, indeed, in the years before he became a national figure.

BRILLIANT AS A LAWYER

His name was well known and his

fame established when he prosecuted, in the courts of his home State, the three men accused of the assassination of Governor Steunenberg. Mr. Borah is a lawyer. As brilliant as is the record that the Senator has made as publicist, parliamentarian and dissenting critic of those political policies which he has so fearlessly and often consistently opposed, I am persuaded to believe that he to-day prefers to be regarded as a lawyer rather than as a political leader. He has few peers as a constitutionalist. He has many as a political. In th,e category of models, if the considerate comparison may be permitted, Senator Borah, necessarily , wopld be classified as a used, but not' as an obsolete model. His record of performance is long. His ability to perform has never been doubted. His tractability has not always been dependable. We sat at ease in the Senator’s spacious suite in the great office buildings connected, by subway and trolley line with Hie Zlapitol. After some preliminary discussion and a friendly skirmish along the voir dire—border line of politics —the gentleman from Idaho was asked what, in his opinion, would be the first great responsibility of the President elected in November next.

I had expected, as I had a right to expect, a forthright and illuminating answer. It was not immediately forthcoming. In fact, it was not given. It should not be top much to expect an avowed and more or less aggressive seeker after a nomination at the hands of his party to be prepared, even thus early, to propose, at lease tentatively, a constructive programme of official action.

But Senator Borah, without apology, said it was too early to forecast what the emergency might be in the beginning of 1937. I wondered if indeed it is too early. It is so apparent, even now, that the great need is for constructive statesmanship. The political opponent of President Roosevelt in the approaching campaign must have something more than generalities to offer.

Knowing the Senator and recalling his record as a constructive and quite convincing critic of the policies of those with whom he is at least in general political accord, I wondered if his method, prior to the convention date, will be to await the opening fire of his own party opponents that he may thereby more convincingly present his own case while condemning or criticising the position of more outspoken but possibly less astute runners in the . race. Perhaps a less considerate interviewer and analyst might be tempted to conclude that in pursuing this course Senator Borah indicts himself as an opportunist. At least it may be said that he is an adroit tactician. WANTS POWER AT CLEVELAND His chief objective, as this is written, seems to be to establish, by the action of a few State primaries, the nucleus of sufficient strength to dictate the organisation of the Cleveland convention. It had been my impression, before visiting him, that the Senator’s chief desire was to assure the nomination ) of a western or middle western candidate who would stand upon a fairly progressive platform. But he will not be easily satisfied. He doubts the constructive statesmanship of others. He is fearful lest one less familiar with the devices of selfish and way-wise defenders of the ■ old order in politics surrender to the i) blandishments of those whose influence would be disastrous. j In the mythical army which his , fancy there are no Davids who i go forth unarmotired and with fresh

zeal. To him, it must be, all are Goliaths.

Senator Borah is, as is well known, a confirmed isolationist. He believes, at least theoretically, in his country’s ability to establish it self-sufficiency. He would encourage by better and more economic distribution the production and consumption of the products of the farms and orchards. He would maintain at least the present value of the dollar. He does not believe in the so-called economy of scarcity. He doubts the possibility of establishing profitable reciprocal trade relations with irresponsible governments.

He believes in a balanced budget, which I think he would define as a liquid budget —not one that might be checked to a dollar in June or in January, but one which would at any moment prove convincingly the solvency of a nation or a State. Senator Borah is a champion of the theory that the people of a democracy are abundantly able to provide tor their own proper representation in their legislative assemblies, in the courts and in executive offices—that they are not always thus truly represented is no fault of our existing system, but of the failure of the voters to express themselves in the primaries and at the elections.