JUGO-SLAVIAN FASCISM

Greymouth Evening Star, 13 September 1934, Page 4

JUGO-SLAVIAN FASCISM

PARADOXES OF POLITICS. G. E. R. Gedye “Daily Telegraph” Correspondent for Central Europe, writes: — Visitors dining a week or two ago on the terrace of Zagreb’s ultramodern hotel, the Esplanade, on a warm and peaceful evening, were astonished to see a middle-aged gentleman of comfortable build escorted with martial pomp by a bodyguard of four young men in komitadji uniform.

They halted at a table where four more young men in the same uniform were sitting, raised their hands in the Hitlerite salute, and were heard to demand in challenging tones: “We commit to your care our Leader, Kosta Petchanats; do you swear to guard his life with each of your own?”

The other four young men rose and returned the salute with equal solemnity, and in tones as sepulchi'al as those of Hamlet’s father’s ghost echoed: “We swear.” Puzzled visitors glanced casually beneath their tables in search of the hidden threat to the middle-aged gentleman’s life, but there was none discoverable; there was only M. Petchanats sitting down to dinner.

Tnough they did not know it, they had been privileged to see what may perhaps prove to have been the formal birth of Jugoslav Fascism, which has already become one of three main problems of Jugoslavia, the others being the attitude of France to the danger - of a Habsburg restoration, and the question of Soviet recognition.

That Fascism is born naturally out of the inherent weakness of democracy is disproved by its coming in Jugoslavia, which is under a dictatorship as rigid, a suppression of political liberty as complete as the Fascisms of Italy, Germany and Austria, and which (in the past, at any rate) has dealt with its enemies no less ruthlessly than they. Yet here is Fascism in Jugoslavia with the now familiar good stage management and theatrical gestures; with the same attractive catchwords which have done so well elsewhere —“Leadership Principle,” “Corporate State,” “Union of Classes” and “Away with the old men.”

To the same audience as furnished Hitler with his nucleus —small tradesmen, disappointed ex-officials, and youths cheated of hopes of a career by post-war conditions—it is beginning to shout as loudly for dictatorship of the Fascist brand as the only escape from “incompetent” dictatorial government as ever did other Fascists shout against “incompetent” democratic Governments.

A SECRET ORDER. / The nominated local councils of Slovenia unanimously requested the prohibition of Fascist propaganda a month or more ago. A promise was given that it should be stopped, but a secret order was issued to the police not to interfere with the Fascists, no matter whom they attacked, provided it was not the King. As the Fascists preface and conclude all their violent attacks on the dictatorial Government created by the King singing the National Anthem and shouting “Long live our xving, Alexander,” meetings go on as before, to the general bewilderment of the peasantry. The only result of the Govern--meat's order has been the breaking up by the police of a meeting of peasant co-operatives near Belgrade, which had nothing to do with Fascism. Not far away a well-advertised “secret midnight meeting in the woods” of the Neo-Fascists took

place, surrounded by great public mystery, undisturbed. Who are the ♦ Neo-Fascists of Jugoslavia, and how can they agitate where a stern dictatorship suppresses all political discussion? They are not yet unified and M. Petchanats, an ex-komitadji, is only being tried out as leader of one of the four groups, and may not become “The Leader” in the end. The first group consists of the Narodna Odbrana, the famous pre-war Nationalist organisation. The second consists of the organisation of former komitadjis who (to the disgust of many of those who have earned their right to the uniform by carying their lives in their hands for years in

the perilous vocation of a komitadji irregular), are being reinforced by callow youths. They are called in Slovenia Boyvnitchi, in Croatia Udruzlienie Chetnika. The third is a new group, being organised purely as Fascists, and calling themselves such; and the fourth is the “Jugoslav Action,” a youth organisation formed three years ago by King Alexander as part of his schemes for moulding Serbs, Croats and Slovenes into one new race of Jugoslavs. What is the explanation of their being able to agitate in a dictatorial country—for the “Parliament” in Jugoslavia does not pretend to be more than a collection of men of the only party allowed, tne King’s

party, to th© election of which a certain number of citizens have consented? Both in the ranks of the Government and outside it, it is everywhere believed that Fascism represents an experiment which King Alexander is trying out to see whether it might prove a more effective instrument for effecting the unifica-

tion of the races he rules than ordinary dictatorship has been.

QUIET OF STAG NAT iCN. Jugoslavia has been quiet the last two years while other countries have been experiencing storms, but it is tlie quiet of stagnation, not of content. The former Serbian political leaders are at liberty only so long as they abstain from politics. Dr Matchek, the Croat leader, was serving a three years’ sentence from wnich he has been released only to go into hospital; other leaders are still in prison, while others again are “interned” in a chivalrous manner, the Government paying their hotel bills and forbidding them to leave a certain town. The economic situation is as bad, as ever. No real leaders whatever have come forwar dto replace those whom the people trusted —but who are condemned to inactivity. Many now say that even the much-hated purely militaristic regime of Gen. Zhlvkovitch was better than the present political Sargdsso Sea in which Jugoslavia has landed. The King has always said he would gradually re- • store democracy, and he may yet de-

cide that way. At the moment, however, there are many signs that he is toying with Fascism. The most active person behind the scenes in the movement, for instance, is the Marshal to the Court, Gen. Aca Dimitrijevitch. Several of the NeoFascist leaders have been privately received in audience by the King. The Fascists abuse the King’s Government, but praise the King, and his police and officials refuse to stop the abuse of the Government. The latter’s recent proclamation’ against the Fascists shows their uneasiness, and looks like an attempt to get King Alexander to show his hand. Now this purely dictatorial Government is paradoxically becoming the champion of “Parliamentary”—its own brand, of course —principles against Fascism. Two main problems of foreign politics —the Habsburg question and that of Soviet Russia —gave rise to M. Barthou’s recent visit. In neither was he completely successful. M. Barthou’s official receptions were magnificent, but. there was little public enthusiasm. I saw him land from his Danube steamer in Belgrade, and the crowds, which gave him a pleasantly warm Welcome were astonishingly meagre. So it was everywhere. Jugoslavio still feels herself really akin to France, but her Latin sister’s firmness on the payment of war and post-war debts has strained the bonds of family affection a little. No trade agreement with the French, either, has afforded Jugoslavia anything like such good terms as those granted by Germany in the agreement just concluded.

HABSBURG THREAT. Then there are the Habsburgs, whose return would sooner or later mean inevitably the destruction of Jugoslavia. To her it is the most vital question; France is obsessed by fears of the Anschluss and inclined to be lukewarm about the Habsburgs. Hence Jugoslavia’s recent flirtation with Germany, who also feels the prevention of a Habsburg restoration to be a vital matter, and hence M. Barthou’s hurried journey to mend the rift in the lute.

I listened to his fiery eloquence in the Skupshtina and was convinced with all his hearers that he had pledged France to support Jugoslavia in everything. It was only afterwards that one realised he had been very fierce against “Revision,” but had said no word to echo Jugoslavia’s declaration that “Habsburg restoration means war.” An uneasy feeling still prevails here that in the last resort France would yet drop the Little Entente if the Anschluss drew, really near and play a Habsburg restoration as a last trump against Hitler. As to Russia, M. Barthou failed to get his way. The King, who was brought up at the Tsarist Court, shelters and finds employment for 40.000 or 50,000 Russian “Whites” in Jugoslavia, does not forget that his Russian brother-in-law was killed by the Bolsheviks in the Russian Revolution; he hates the idea of recognition. He does not refuse, but sets the condition that the Soviets should issue a general amnesty for all the millions of Tsarist emigres and allow them to return to Russia.

Bulgaria furnishes a bright spot in the foreign picture; two years ago it seemed incredible, in the atmosphere of frontier trench warfare, bombing raids, and assassinations, that (he present amicable relations between Jugoslavia and Bulgaria could ever come about. Now there are exchanges of friendly visits between sister organisations of the two sister Slav countries every week. And although home affairs have stagnated dismally, at least the threats of revolution heard on all sides two years ago have not been realised, and the King’s position, if not obviously stronger, is clearly no weaker than it was.