ANSWER TO CORRESPONDENT. Greymouth Evening Star. AND BRUNNERTON ADVOCATE. MONDAY, APRIL 16th., 1934. SOUTH AFRICA’S STATUS.

Greymouth Evening Star, 16 April 1934, Page 6

ANSWER TO CORRESPONDENT.

Greymouth Evening Star. AND BRUNNERTON ADVOCATE. MONDAY, APRIL 16th., 1934. SOUTH AFRICA’S STATUS.

“RATEPAYER,” Kumara:—Too near the borderline of libel.

N OW under consideration by the South African Assembly, the Government’s Status Bill is arousing much interest. The second reading, it is reported, was passed with great enthusiasm, there being only seven dissentients. The preamble to the measure, amending the existing Constitution—the South African Act—declares the sovereign independence of the Union as defined in the Imperial Conference resolutions of 1926, the Union being one of the “autonomous communities within the British Empire, equal in status to the Commonwealth of Nations.” The section which lays down that the King acts in Union affairs upon the advice of his Ministers in the

Union, has aroused criticism on the ground that the King, if always acting upon the advice of his Ministers, might be unable to dismiss his Ministers. However, this power of dismissal is still vested in the Governor-General. The Government intends to give the provinces protection,, in view of the repeal of the right of reservation, which hitherto has been applied in the case of Bills abolishing or amending the provincial system. It will be laid down that no province can be subdivided or abolished, except on the petition of a substantial majority in its electorate, on a referendum. All the parties in South Africa have agreed to cooperate, so far as possible, in re-

storing the economic and financial equilibrium, in stabilised political conditions, and the state of affairs revealed by the recent Budget indicates that considerable progress has already been achieved towards national recovery.

It has been agreed that the Government of the country shall be conducted on a basis of national principles, and in a spirit of South African national independence, in harmony with the country’s sovereign independent status, as confirmed by the Statute of Westminster. The unitary basis of a United South Africa shall be maintained intact, as laid down in the present Constitution, and the authority and power of the Union shall continue to be symbolised by the

country’s independent national

flag. The maintenance and welfare of a healthy rural population will be the subject of special effort. Obviously, one of the most serious problems is the Native question, and an earnest attempt is being made by the Coalition to arrive at a satisfactory solution, along lines which, without depriving the Native of his right of development, sets in the foreground the requirements of white civilisation, and provides for separate political representation of white and black. Another big problem confronts South Africa under the heading of “the protection of currency, of

capital assets, and of resources intended for development,” but it is stated that the Government will take steps for the maintenance of confidence in the economic future of the Union.'

Special care has been taken to point out that the fusion agreement between General Hertzog, leader of the Nationalists, and General Smuts, leader of the South African Party, in no way impairs the relationship between the Union and the British Commonwealth of Nations, and its co-operation with the other States belonging thereto, as agreed at the Imperial Conference of 1926, and subsequently laid down in the report of the Conference on the operation of Dominion legislation of 1929, and approved 'by the House of Assembly in 1930. General Smuts has declared that, “whatever can be said, in human language, to maintain the British, connection, is said in the Status Bill.” and the welcome given to Prince George, during his extensive tour of the Union, leaves no doubt regarding the attitude of the latter to the British Crown. ’