The Evening Star THURSDAY, AUGUST 24, 1939. CRAVE ISSUES.

Evening Star, Issue 23353, 24 August 1939, Page 10

The Evening Star THURSDAY, AUGUST 24, 1939. CRAVE ISSUES.

The precise terms of the Soviet-German pact have not been revealed as we write, and. criticism of the new position is handicapped to that extent. It is fairly clear, however, from German jubilation over the latest development and delayed appearance of any really definite reassurances that British and French diplomacy has received a bad shock, and the dangers of the general position have been heightened accordingly. “ Betrayal ” would come nearer to the French verdict, but resentment which is felt at the pact pending further explanations of it from Russia has not been at th’e expense of French calm. It cannot be said, on the other hand, that the Soviet rulers, though they have denounced aggressors, ever gave much encouragement to the negotiations which had as their object the inclusion of Russia in a joint front for restraining them. As late as August 3 the Moscow correspondent of ‘ The Times ’ reported that Russia wanted to know what England and France would do in the event of war against Germany, as “ M. Stalin made it abundantly clear that she will guard against being manoeuvred into fighting the battles of the Western Powers.”*^ It is possible to speculate what the next step may be. Germany might give the signal for a rising of the Danzigers, whom she has been arming for months past, intended to secure their separation from Poland and reunion with the Reich. Germany—and she would hope Russia also—would say that that was a movement which she could not fail to support and which did not threaten the independence of Poland. National independence not being affected, she would expect the democratic Powers to agree with her contention that the matter did not come within their guarantees. In support of that view of the British and French pledges, she would

remember Mr Chamberlain’s definition of them on July 10, which was endorsed by France; “Wo have guaranteed to give our assistance to Poland in the event of a clear threat to her independence which she considers it vital to resist with her national forces, and we are firmly resolved to carry out this undertaking.” Officially the engagement has always been stated very much in those • terms. But Danzig, it is to be feared, has never been more than the smallest consideration in the Berlin Government’s policy of aggrandisement. Moderation in the German demands which would allow that question to bo settled by peaceful negotiation, with safeguarding of Poland’s outlet to the Baltic, would! from all signs be too much to expect. The German Press—which is Dr Goebbels’ Press —is asserting now that the Versailles Poland “ is dead,” and predicting a fourth partition. It threatens that Germany will march to Warsaw unless a settlement on the Czecho-Slovaldan lines is forthcoming. In such a settlement “ independence ” is reduced to a mocking name.

It may be of good omen that, fortyeight hours after the new pact was announced, tho , Soviet and democratic delegates are still conferring in Moscow by desire of both sides. It is the Nazis who have done all the whooping over the Soviet-German agreement, which, at the time when we write, is still unsigned. Quito conceivably they have exaggerated its advantages for them, with the idea of influencing Poland to some rash decision. But the Poles have kept their heads no less than the French. It is a fact to be considered also that the addition of Poland to the Reich could never be other than a matter of acute concern to Russia. She is as'near to Germany now as she wants to be, and! the existence of Poland as a buffer State adds tremendously to her security. Again, in the event of war, probably the best aid which the Soviet could give to Poland would bo by sales to her of munitions and sup 7 plies, and it is not, shown that the new pact would prevent that trade. The thing most to be feared is that the world is dealing with the same Germany that confronted it in 1914. Neither Britain nor France will fight, says the Nazi Press, “ Even if the worst comes to the worst the average German [except that he does not speak; the statement can only be made rightly for his Government and its Press] is convinced that it would be all over in four days or five.” Twenty-five years ago war began with the beginning of August. The opposition of degenerate Britain to aggression was a surprise and shock, but not reckoned to matter much. On September 1, the anniversary of Sedan, the Germans were to he in Paris. Later, the war was to be ended before the autumn leaves began to fall. An old man in Holland could give the best advice, if they would seek it, to the Nazi leaders just now.