A BELLIGERENT WORLD

Evening Star, Issue 23322, 19 July 1939, Page 3

A BELLIGERENT WORLD

THE RACE TO REARM DEFENCE THE VITAL WATCHWORD ( LEAGUE OF NATIONS UNION ADDRESSED A comprehensive address on defence, comprising a resume of its history and all of its ramifications, was delivered last night by Lieutenant-cOloncj J. M. Samson, the officer commanding the Otago Regiment, to the League of Nations Union (Otago branch). The speaker covered his subject from an initial definition of war to the practical part that New Zealand was taking and should take in the scheme of Empire defence. A small attendance was presided over by the Rev. Dr Herrington, who introduced the speaker. CAUSES OF WAR. In the beginning soldiers were the paid servants of rulers, said the speaker. Industry and growing power brought the small army to the stage of a nation in arms and finally a nation armed, where the backing of the country was behind the forces in the field. The Fascist conception of war was “ La Guerre Totalc,” in which it was believed—and acted upon—that the quickest way of destroying an army in the field was to destroy the means of production which kept it there. It was not the German army which was beaten in 1918, but the German home front, lie declared. Causes of war ranged from the early personal whims of rulers to economic political and psychological reasons. Conflict of ideals, as in the •American Civil War, was a political cause, as was the quarrelling over boundaries, exemplified in South American struggles. The influence of the church in wars between believer and unbeliever could also be classed politically. Propaganda was a psychological cause. The encouragement of a war psychosis had been resorted to by Britain, and was now used by the Fascist countries to cultivate an internal unity. Revenge was another cause of this type, and Alsace-Lorraine could he cited as one of the causes leading up to such an unsatisfactory treaty as that of Versailles. To-day in ‘lreland some men felt that nothing would be so important as revenge for events that happened in the time of Henry VIII. ATTEMPTS TO OUTLAW WAR. Many attempts had been made to minimise and localise the misery of war. The Hague Convention attempted some form of international law. The League of Nations was supposed to be an international court of law to outlaw war and settle disputes by arbitration, and the prevention of aggression by collective action. The armaments race prior to 1914 had been the result of power politics. It was felt that security could come only from strength and the insecurity of other peoples. That had failed in 1914, , Britain had followed the policy of a balance of power, not allowing any nation to become too strong. This was done by a_ system of alliances and a nava.l supremacy of two to one over any other nation. After the Great War came the principle of collective security and disarmament. This was a grand idea, and the cause of its failure seemed to be that the people were not behind it solidly enough. It was no use having a law that could nbt bo enforced. Military, economic, and diplomatic sanctions had been provided for to back up the league. “ Squeeze them till they squeak ” had been the cry in some quarters, but it had not been acted upon when sanctions were called for. Pacifism represented another attempt to gain security, but the speaker said he could not understand the attitude under reigning conditions. As long as this was a Democratic country the rule of the majority had the say, and it was the duty of those who were able to take part. It was dangerous to have a “ half-pie ” array. If we were to be armed wc must be armed well. AGGRESSION FLOURISHES. The experiences of certain other countries m this decade had not been reassuring. To-day, England was spending £2,000,000 a day on armaments Defence was the watchword; but the consequent lowering of the standard of living was a bad thing. This amount of money would have changed the depression into a boom. It was a pity that civilisation had not found the way to pbtain prosperity by the production of consujnable goods. A good result of the accretion of strength was that Britain and France were enabled to guarantee_ Poland. ‘‘What prevents co-operation with Russia?” asked the speaker. “ Are we afraid of Communism or Socialism?” It seemed a pity that that great country, so wonderfully progressive, should not also be lined up to prevent aggression. NEW ZEALAND’S PART. The neewsity for armed forces was linked up with the respective menaces of Fascism, Communism, and trouble from the East. There was no doubt that, Democracy as we knew it was threatened. The experience of Spain had proved it to a largo extent. We in New Zealand could endeavour to look after ourselves and assist the Empire if possible. We were tied to the Empire by sentiment, and the material advantage of belonging to a combination of countries all willing to defend any one part. Before the war Great Britain’s rivals were in Europe, and she was able to keep them there. To-day things had changed. 11 At the last Imperial Conference,” continued Lieutenant-colonel Sam son, “ I think Mr Savage was told that wo would be under our own steam, possibly fur the duration of the next war.” The latest equipment was being acquired, and New Zealand would soon have her full quota of citizen soldiers. The obligations of these men were simple and well defined. By the small nature of the country New Zealand’s forces could only he for the purposes of defence—aggression was out of the question. On the motion of Dr Billings Lieu-tenant-colonel Sam son was accorded a warm vote of thanks.