The Evening Star MONDAY, MARCH 2, 1936. FRENCH-SOVIET PACT.

Evening Star, Issue 22277, 2 March 1936, Page 8

The Evening Star MONDAY, MARCH 2, 1936. FRENCH-SOVIET PACT.

In' spite of German disapproval the French Chamber has ratified tHe French-Soviet Pact by rather more than two votes to one. The question now is; What is Germany going to do about it? The German contention that the Pact contravenes Locarno will not hold water. The British and French, and (it is said) the Italian Governments are on that point agreed. Locarno dealt with the Western frontier of Germany. This treaty deals with the Eastern. Nevertheless, it is easy to understand why the German Government should dislike it. The effect of the Pact would he to perpetu; ate the Versailles Treaty’s delimitation of Germany’s eastern frontier as was done for the western by Locarno. But while Germany was resigned to accept the Western frontier, she has .always refused to regard the Eastern one, with its wedge thrust into East Prussia, as unalterable. For that reason she would not allow it to be included in the Locarno Treaty. The furthest she would go was to declare that she would never seek to alter it by means of war. If that decision stands, the Pact should mean nothing to her. But that consideration does not prevent her from strongly resenting the Treaty. Germany fears Russia. The new crisis that is a possibility for Europe as a result of the ratification of the Pact rests on a complication of fears. The Nazi power was built up on two fanaticisms—fanaticism against Communists and against Jews. It is not clear that Communists in Germany were ever dangerous. But Communists across the frontier have been a sterner breed. At the time when Russian diplomats were making those suggestions for the destruction of all armaments, so much admired by a section of British pacifists, the “ world revolution ” held first place in Communist policy, and War Ministers were continually enlarging on the splendour of Red armies. To-day Russia has changed her views. She wants peace. But she fears Germany quite as much as Germany fears her, and France also fears Germany, as she has always done. All three countries, but especially Russia and Germany, have been adding to their armaments. And, if its fears were less, or assumed, the Nazi Government would not easily give up the hold which it has on its own people when it stands as their protector against Communism,

A diplomatic defeat has been imposed on Germany. But because the new Pact pretty plainly does not contravene any previous international agreements, and for other reasons, it is unlikely that Berlin will seek to counter it by refortifying the demilitarised Rhineland. That would make more trouble, almost certainly, than Germany is prepared for at tho present time. M. Flandin, the French Minister, before his pact was ratified, offered something like an olive branch to Germany. He denied that there was any desire to isolate that country. He expressed his wish that the “ great nation, to which civilisation owes so much, should resume its place in the world and be treated on a footing of equality.” Herr Hitler, in an interview, also offered his olive branch. He insisted, in effect, that he would be mad if he desired a clash with France. Herr Hitler has said that repeatedly. What lessens belief in his pacific professions is the frenzy of German rearmament, and the ravings of his own book, ‘ Mein Karnpf,’ now exalted as the Germans’ Bible, in which diametrically opposite sentiments, bowdlerised for the English versioh and not yet revised in Germany, are expressed. Herr Hitler explains that he wrote his book under circumstances of special exasperation when he was in prison and when the French were, occupying the Ruhr. He maintains that his acts have sufficiently revised it. But an English writer has pointed out that “ only the first part of the first volume, chiefly treating the history of his party, was written in 1924, not in prison, but in honest and comfortable fortress custody of only several months. The rest of the first and the whole second volume, and especially the latter’s parts containing the most licentious eruptions and incitations against France and Russia, have been composed after his release from custody, and for the greater part after the conclusion of the Locarno Pact and the evacuation of the Ruhr and Cologne district.” If “ Mein Kampf,” in its actual type, cannot be revised, it is not likely to be forgotten. It seems unlikely that Italy will make common cause with Germany' by withdrawing from the Locarno Pacts. Germany, it has been said, sets more value on Locarno than on any new pact that could be made. And this quarrel is not Italy’s. It seems most probable that both Powers will be content to threaten, or allow threats to be made for them, each for its own objects, and that reactions to the treaty will go no further than that. If Germany and Russia could stop rearming, the olive branches might have more chance to prevail.