AS A FRENCHMAN SEES IT

Evening Star, Issue 22248, 28 January 1936, Page 3

AS A FRENCHMAN SEES IT

THE ABYSSINIAN ADVENTURE ' AN INTERESTING LETTER The following is a translation of part of a letter received by a Dunedin resident from a young frenchman, a native of Tours, employed at present in tourist work in Provence. “ What do you think of our wavering attitude, ‘ neither fish, flesh, nor good red herring,’ according to the popular expression, in the Italo-Ethio-pian conflict? We wish to displease neither England nor Italy, and, in my opinion, we are going to make them both dissatisfied. I am also ashamed of my country. After having insisted ourselves that satisfactory sanctions be applied against any nation which should violate the pact or commit an act of aggression, we are applying the sanctions only after much hesitation, and appear to he reluctant to fulfil our engagements, because, perhaps, we fear losing Italy’s friendship. When my best friend commits a folly I do not necessarily approve of it, and I am not afraid to tell him so.

“ The friendship of the Italians for ns is, in my opinion, not disinterested, and very uncertain. The Italian is so changeable, impulsive, ready-witted, and comic that I have scarcely any confidence in the permanence of his sentiments. My late paternal grandfather, who enlisted at the age of 17 and who became a captain in the Imperial Guard, fought for Italy’s independence and' lost an arm in the battle of Solferino. He used to say that when they were leaving Italy his men were the object of almost hostile manifestations on the part of the populace, who found that they had not done enough for their big ‘ Latin sister.’ Italy was perhaps annoyed that she had received help—an excessively conceited attitude.

“It is certain that Mussolini has don© a great deal of good within his country; but he has done his neighbours more harm than good. From the point of view of tourist traffic, Mussolini has opposed us in an unfair manner. He seems to have a grievance against us for having sent back to their homes, because of the unemployment, numbers of Italian workmen. Have we not been good enough to tolerate within our borders thousands of foreign workmen, who. in certain parts of the world, would form real colonies? When have our neighbours allowed our workmen to find employment abroad? We speak of the danger of Communist propaganda; but Fascist propaganda is quite as dangerous. In France we welcome fearlessly all the foreigners who are not wanted in their own countries; amongst them there are often people of worth, but there are many others who are indifferent workers. A careful choice would have to be made.

“Mussolini believes, doubtless, that all his actions are perfect the moment his people, through admiration or fear, shows its approval. He is ‘ the oneeyed monarch of the blind.’ His foolish Ethiopian enterprise, a piece of brigandage, will not gain for him what the League of Nations was offering him,. Conquest is an expensive business, but ■ the organisation of a conquered country is a still dearer one. And then, lam thinking of those thousands of young men who will have, perhaps uselessly, sacrificed their lives. Is it a good means to encourage repopulation P I believe that Mussolini is heading for disaster—for - the ruin which is now imminent. He risks losing his prestige, and I should say even the honour of the nation which he has made the admiration of the world. In *fchis Italo-Ethio-pian war two things shock any sane human conscicnce—the disproportion of the armaments and the bad example of civilisation.

“ I deplore that in this affair we have not stood absolutely firm behind England, who, alone, has had the courage to act immediately, and to shoulder her responsibilities according to the engagements sHe has entered into. She has given us French people a good lesson in energy and loyalty. I admire ‘ Proud Albion ’ in spite of the wind of Anglophobia which is blowing—l do not know why—in our country at this moment, and which will, I think, soon die down. Long live ‘ British cheek ’ as you cal] it! I like the British character. The Englishman (I often have dealings with him in my business) is a blustering fellow; exacting, obstinate, brusque, and off-hand (defend yourself if you can!), frank sometimes to excess; he seeks discussion on all subjects, but he does not mind your going against him, for he does not like apathy, nor a passive attitude. It little matters to him if his inerlocutor be hard and concede no point, as long as he ‘ plays fair.’ The Englishman is fundamentally loyal, just, honest, and generally very broadminded, and the foreigner who becomes angry with him is often a worse character than he. I prefer the rough British frankness to the obsequiousness of the Italians.

' “ I deplore that we have not gone further in the application of sanctions. People say: ‘lt is pushing a great nation to the verge of despair.’ But whose fault is that? They are saying, too: ‘ It-would mean war very shortly.’ But what could Italy do now against her European neighbours? She is at her last gasp, alone, and her financial situation is disastrous. The greatest faith and pride cannot compensate for these deficiencies. In any case, it was necessary to strike a great blow, not with the object of ruining a nation, • but quite simply for the triumph of justice and morality, to show that the nations are interdependent and that one country cannot pretend to act without involving the others, and that the greater part of the nations do not wish to profit by a war which has been to the advantage of the aggressor. It was necessary to take a firm stand to show the efficacy of the League of Nations, and to make any people with war-like intentions reflect.

“ England is far and away the strongest country in respect of liberty and democracy, and we must be mad not to associate ourselves entirely with the views of those who have conformed to our own ideas in international affairs.

“Up to the present moment France was always in the lead in all matters of justice and humanity. Our recent attitude risks losing us our prestige in this matter. To all those who, forgetting too quickly the immense debts we owe, say to me that Great Britain is acting only through self-interest, and that she is the hereditary enemy of France (I do not wish to hide from you even the worst). I reply Good for. Great Britain! I wish I were English at the present time.’ “ I think that too many people today have lost their heads. They do not know how to reason dispassionately; sense and logic, generous feelings, too often give way to blind and destructive passion. “ 1 hope Mussolini does not succeed in for 1 fear that, carried away his success, he will not stop

there, and that, like Napoleon (whom he admires after having naturalised him as an Italian, but whom he does not imitate closely, for Napoleon always fought at the head of his armies), he will march into the territory of his neighbours, followed by the natives whom he has 1 liberated from slavery.’ “ In my opinion the recent disturbances in Egypt are not entirely disconnected with Italian propaganda, which, as we have proved, has been very active in - our Corsica. Let us hope that England will save us, in spite of ourselves, from Mussolini, as she saved us, in spite of ourselves, from Napoleon. She has the art of doing good, while she pretends to do harm. “ Very many Frenchmen at the present moment wish to try a dictatorship, and several leagues are plotting against the Government without being in the least disturbed in their machinations 1 do not think, however, that the true French people will submit to absolute rule. The French character is too independent. As Ferrero used to say, ‘ You have to lose your liberty only once to know its full value.’ ”