DISARMAMENT

Evening Star, Issue 21639, 7 February 1934, Page 7

DISARMAMENT

STATEMENT IN COMMONS OPPOSITION SUPPORTS GOVERNMENT (British Official Wireless.) Press Association—By Telegraph—Copyright. RUGBY, February 6. (Received February 7, at noon.) The British Government has arranged that as soon as the 1' ronch political situation allows Captain Anthony Eden will proceed to Baris, Rome, and Berlin to explain the British view on disarmament and learn by direct contact the attitude of the other Governments to the new British memorandum. An announcement to this effect was made in the House of Commons today by Sir John Simon during the disarmament debate. The debate took place at the request of the Opposition, who showed no desire to censure the Government for its conduct of the recent negotiations or for the substance of the New British memorandum, but who wished to enjoin upon the Government the importance of pursuing the policy elucidated in that document with the greatest possible vigour.

SIR JOHN SIMON ANALYSES SITUATION FRANCO-GERMAN PROBLEM. RUGBY, February 6. .(Received February 7, at noou.) Sir John Simon, in a frank analysis of the situation, dealt with the four important documents recently published—French Aide Memoire, the German Memorandum, the Italian Memorandum, and the British Memorandum. He said the Government had reached the conclusion, firstly, that the confidential bilateral interchanges had been useful, but that after two months the method was in danger of exhausting its utility; secondly, that although difference still existed, there was a greater approach to a common ground which justified the British Government making new efforts of reconciliation. From the interchanges it had emerged in the clearest way that the key to a disarmament arrangement, at any rate in Western Europe, must lie in finding accommodation between France and Germany.

“ Britain,” he said, “ has a special interest in this matter. For it is certain that if a satisfactory disarmament agreement cannot be promptly reached, and if we have to live in a world of unlimited rearmament, wo shall have to face the question of the state of our own armaments,” The British memorandum was not a document putting forward the ideal plan, but was an attempt to approach the actual situation in a spirit of realism, and provide a basis for promoting an agreement. From this standpoint two inevitable deductions were reached. Firstly, Germany’s claim to arms equality could not and ought not to be resisted; secondly, no practical solution could be found on the basis that all the nations of the world would immediately abandon all weapons denied Germany by the Peace Treaty. The choice was between no reduction in armaments at all, or a treaty providing for some moderate and reasonable programme of abandonment of the biggest weapons by the most heavily armed powers. Germany, in her document, had assumed that nobody would abandon anything.

“ The British Government would view not only with reluctance, but even with repugnance, a settlement which provided for full equality of rights, but provided for it without any disarmament in any corner of the world.” Such a conclusion it would resist with all its might.

Regarding effectives the British Government insisted on the principle of parity between France, Germany, Italy, and Poland. Regarding land war materials it was prepared to accept Germany’s own proposals as to -the equipment of her short service army, but it was a mistake to suppose that it conceded to, or, indeed, that Germany suggested, the authorisation of further weapons to the existing German military organisation. Regarding tanks, Sir John Simon called attention to the proposal that an international tank inquiry should take place within three years, in which Germany should participate. Regarding air armaments it was clear to the British Government that if Germany were permitted to set up a military air force at a moment when the possibility of complete abolition of military aircraft was being discussed, it would be to the manifest disadvantage of that most important convention. As to supplementary formations, the Government felt that the question of what constituted military effectives could bo settled on practical lines of good faith by the Permanent Disarmament Commission.

On the subject of security Sir John Simon called attention to further articles included in the memorandum, and emphasised the duty of all signatories to the convention, if it were signed, of keeping in the closest touch with each other and doing whatever was right or possible to prevent or remedy any violation of so important an international agreement. Sir John Simon described the re-cently-signed German-Polish agreement as of very material importance. Proceeding, he expressed a hope that the British memorandum would be recognised as formulating definite methods whereby disarmament could begin imediately. If it was implemented it would unquestionably be not only a provision for the next ten years, but might afford a strong and firm hope of greater things in the future. He believed that the whole House would support the Government’s action. Every fresh delay made the solution of disarmament more difficult. If the world were thrown into the competition of unrestricted armaments they must face the fact and act accordingly, but the first duty was to do all in their power towards reaching agreement.