RED LEASERS’ QUARRELS
DISCLOSURES AT THE MOSCOW CONGRESS The great congress of the Communist Party of the U.S.S.R. (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics), which assembled on December 18 after an interval of two years, broke up early in January 7 after a stormy session, which, although it lasted barely a fortnight, seems likely to prove one of the most important landmarks of Bolshevist rule in Russia (writes the Riga correspondent of ‘ The Times ’).
At this congress the internal dissensions of the Communist Party, consistently denied by the _ principal leaders, could no longer be hidden, and the boated language and personal abuse which characterised the proceedings were .symptomatic of the deepseated differences on questions of principle. Many questions which the congress should have settled were-referred to special commissions in the hope that a quieter atmosphere might facilitate their discussion. The congress passed a formal resolution enjoining Coramunisls to abstain from-.discussing the “sore questions” which had been raised. The Central Committee agreed to strive to restore tbo harmony of the party and tbo implicit obedience of individual members to the instructions of the congress, whoso authority was concentrated in the Politbureau (Political Bureau). The order to maintain silence on “sore questions)” however, had little if any effect; the struggle of the rival factious continues, ' STIFLING OF FREE SPEECH.
At the congress, where in theory all members are entitled to air their own views and grievances, they were not allowed to do more than endorse the actions of the small group at the top under pain of being denounced as heretics and traitors. In spite of the censor and the absence of a free Press and the strangling of free speech, the songross provided valuable material for estimating the political force and moral level of the few who hold the reins in Russia to-day. The quarrels of the “Big Seven” (Stalin, Karaeneff, Zinovioff, Bukharin, Rykoff, Trotsky, and Tomsky) of the Politbureau, known only to these chiefs themselves, were made public with a rush. This is, perhaps, the most important achievement of the congress, which must certainly react in a way incompatible with compact party unity on the humbler Communist masses throughout the country. Their gods have been rudely torn from their pedestals, and not by enemies of the Government, but by their comrades. The brilliant team work of the past eight years has come to an end. The triumvirate—Stalin, Zinoviclf, and Kamonell:—which undertook to carry on the work of Lenin two years ago, has been broken up, two discordant elements (Stalin and Zinoviclf) remaining within the Politbureau, while the third (Kaineneff) has been pushed outside. The membership of the PolitImreau, which had been increased to seven, has now been further increased to nine.
Tho opposing leaders openly accuse each oilier of hypocrisy, falsehood, selfish personal ambition, intriguing against their colleagues, and, most heinous of all, distortion of the doetrines of Lenin. Tho opposition group, headed hy Zinovieif. assert that the leaders, headed hy Stalin, have ceased to care for tho welfare of workmen and poor peasants, and arc leading the party hack to tho “slough of capitalism,” Zmovioff, chairman of the Third International, who has hitherto been looked upon as tho most orthodox of Communists, the impeccable interpreter of “ Leninism.” was treated throughout the congress as something akin to an enemy of the proletariat. A stunning clfeet was also produced hy tho rough handling of another “ hero of tho proletariat.” Kamonclf, who was openly denounced by his follow lenders as a “heretic,” and summarily expelled from tho holy of holies, the Polithureau, where he had hitherto acted as chairman. A KREMLIN CONSPIRACY,
The implicit obedience which was exacted from humble Communists was •shown, to he non-existent in the higher ranks of the party. Stalin disclosed to the congress that a “cave conference” had been held in the Caucasus by certain leaders who plotted something like a palace revolution at the Kremlin, in order to grasp power themselves and put into practice their own interpretation of Leninism. Stalin did not name all the participants at this conference; but ho mentioned Lashcvitch, which is snffi ciont to give some idea- of tho seriousness of (he “ opposition.” There is further evidence of the strength of the movement in the fact that Laslievitch was not summarily punished after tho disclosure, as would have been tho case with smaller fry, hut continues to occupy the high place of Deputy Commissar for War and official representative of the military and marine departments at the Council of People’s Commissars, as well as retaining his membership of tho Supreme .Military Council and other high posts.
Another disclosure made hv Rykolf was not less astonishing to all outside the Central Committee, and, perhaps, even more, important as indicating the trend of events. This was to the effect that, the, Commissar of Piimnec, Sokolnikofi, had presented to tho Pol ill) nr-, can a- proposal to abolish tho monopoly ol: foreign trade. A striking feature of tho congress was the accusation brought forward hy both opposing groups of loaders that cadi side tried to gag tho other.
There arc many serious socinl-polil ical factors which have helped to bring about the discord. The chief of these is the attitude ol the Government towards the peasantry. Tim ‘•peasant policy” of Stalin's majority-group of loaders offers certain advantages to the more well-to-do villagers, fn )inrMiauco ol this policy decrees were issued rescinding the prohibition of the renting of la.nd and tho hiring of peasant labor. This had hitherto boon allowed in some eases, but. it involved the loss of all political rights. In addition to Stalin tho champions of this policy are Bukharin, Jiykolf, and Kalinin. Open opposition to this policy first showed itself in Leningrad, where it was declared that it violated vital principles 'oi Leninism in that it withdrew its support of the poorest village elements, it was thus creating a village “ bourgeoisie,” a class of village “ bosses,” or “ kulnld ” (literally: lists), which would sooner or later develop poiiti cal activity and overthrow the dictatorship of the Communist Part-v. The policy of ■“pampering the
peasantry,’’ the opposition held, was viewed with disfavor hy tho f.nlnrv workers, on whom the .Soviets have forced their entire authority. Tho second important ipinrrcl is about the present form of State in dustry. The opposition declares that the present course is tainted unduly with capitalism, (hat all Soviet trusts and syndicates are very much akin to capitalist eoncenis. The, Stalin group asserts that State industry in Soviet Russia, is organised on purely Socialist liner. Thorn is real discontent among the working classes on account of the inequality which has developed out of the NJ'I.P. _ (New Economic Policy). This explains to some extent Zinovielf's proposal If open wide the gales of the. parly to admit all town workmen and landless peasants. This apparently harmless proposal produced something like dismay aiming the majority leaders. They, not without foundation, argue that with tlie addition of the extra live millions whidi this would involve (the party had on January 1 no fewer than 7( M i,< It v i (Tilly Hedged members and (iO(T.iH)u “•probationers”) the party would become quite unmanageable, as they owe their dictatorship more than anything else to the fact that- the, partv has Imen kept, compact and well-dirt ipiiiied, Zinoviejf knows this as well as any body else, but lie knows also that such demagogical outbursts as ho marie at the congress arc likely to gain him favor among tho factory masses.
'Tho Bolshevist leaders understand full well the danger lor them of this political reawakening, and this explains to some extent their decision to prohibit all discussion of tho vexed .questions and tho postponing the elections to Soviets in great industrial centres. They have also decided .ot in summon the annual congresses of the Soviets of the .Russian Republics ind of tho Union of Republics this spring, but to postpone them until the end of tho year/
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Evening Star, Issue 19198, 15 March 1926, Page 5
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1,319RED LEASERS’ QUARRELS Evening Star, Issue 19198, 15 March 1926, Page 5
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