The Evening Star SATURDAY, JANUARY 4, 1913.

Evening Star, Issue 15074, 4 January 1913, Page 6

The Evening Star SATURDAY, JANUARY 4, 1913.

Although the Liberal organs may be inspired in the statement Dissolution that the Asquith GbvernPossibilities. ment do not intend to

force on an appeal to the country, that possibility cannot entirely be ignored. It may even be that such a step will be forced on the Government, though at present this seems rather an extreme view to take of tho position. Certain it is, however, that since the "snap division" on Sir Francis Banbury's committee amendment to the Homo Rule Bill in the middle of November the Government have sensibly weakened, not so much by reason of that temporary set back as by the means Mr Asquith adopted to undo what had been done. He had to create a precedent, which, habitually followed, would finally destroy parliamentary government. The Unionist complaint against Mr Asquith—who is much more persona grata with the Opposition than Mr Lloyd George and Mr Winston Churchill (if in these bitter days there remains any shred of the traditional kindly personal feeling irrespective of party)—has all along been that he has steadily undermined tho power of the Commons and the very fundamentals of parliamentary government. It is the old complaint, not unknown in New Zealand, of the Executive ruling the country, and not Parliament. But this particular instance was one that the country could hardly help noting, and probably, as Mr Bonar Law said at the Albert Hall, it will never be forgotten. An indictment against the Government, as put by a leading Unionist journal, violently colored perhaps, may be quoted : Now the wheel is coming round; the Opposition are rapidly' rising; the Government are shrinking from their former selves. They used the power of their position without any scruple to help their party ; they have made their appointments to that end ; they have tampered with the Civil Service and misled the Crown, both national institutions

treated by other Governments as beyond party, in'order to strengthen, or, rather, to save, their own political position. They have disabled the Second Chamber, under the pretext of putting a better one in its place, to enable them to get Bills through which they knew a Second Chamber would refer to the people, who, they believed, would reject them. Their followers in the Commons they have reduced with absolute contempt to a horde of items, silenced by the fear of losing their seats and their salaries. Debate and argument they have suppressed with the gag. The disclosures just made by the committee regarding the exercise of patronage in the Civil Service is not calculated to assist in restoring the Government's prestige, nor is the evidence now being tendered concerning the Marconi contract. There seems also to be considerable disaffection among the Labor party over the Trade Union Bill, hut the question may be asked: What would the Labor party gain by bringing about the defeat of the Government? While its three props—the Labor party, the Home Rulers, and the Welsh Disestablishes—remain in position the Government may continue stable. But the props are not securely strutted to the post. The removal of even one may upset the balance and bring about instant' downfall. If the Government prove strong enough to give- their allies that for which the latter have conceded general support ail may be well. But inability to do so would mean alienation of support and complete disintegration. Meanwhile the Unionists are striving tooth and nail to decide on a united platform for endorsement by the voters at tin election which they profess to see looming in the verynear future. Their task is not easy, foi Tariff Reform is a very vexed question even among Conservatives.