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A NOTEWORTHY SPEECH

ON PROBLEMS OF EMPIRE. In moving the Address-in -Reply in the Legislative Council on August 1 the Hon. J. E. Sinclair, M.L.C., discussed a number of questions that were raised at the recent Prime Ministers' Conference in London. He spoke as follows : Meeting, as we have done, later than usual, and with the prospect of a General Election being held in December, I assume that the legislation to be intro- ' duced this session will largely consist of those amending provisions that are usually looked for after a fruitful session such as the last was. For that reason I do not propose to attempt to discues questions "as to which legislation is promised, especially as I think wc can profitably bestow our attention on what has been far the most important business gathering, as far as the colonies are concerned, that lias taken place during the year—viz., the holding of the Imperial Conference —the proceedings of which. His Excellency tells us. have been satisfactory, and at "which this Dominion was represented by the Prim© Minister and the Attorney-General.-When we keep in mind the purpose for •which these conferences are Jiekl, we shall feel, I think, that we can most profitably engage our attention to-night by, giving earnest consideration to questions" which make for the unity of the Empire over which the King has been called to reign. Many important problems of common interest to our people have been touched upon at the Tecent conference. It would, of course, be quite impossible in the time at our disposal to attempt to cover the whole ground, but there are some questions to which I should like to be allowed i to invite the attention of honorable members for a short time, because upon theiT solution, as I think, may largely" depend the fnture relations of the Mother Country and her possessions. One of these questions is the creation of —Ail Imperial Council,— that' shall concern itself with questions af- I fecting the Empire as a. whole—of a me- j . dium through which all parts may be kept j in touch with Imperial movements and

through which the colonies may put forward their views for consideration. Another is as to the means best designed for promoting that which is the- greatest common interest of our people—thpir trade, in the strengthening of which, and as making for Imperial unity, colonial prime ministe>rs have for so long submitted that there should be adopted" by the Mother - Country a Preferential Tariff system involving the giving of I'rr'feremv to the colonies. These questions have been very fully discussed in our Mother Count ry ever since the Imperial ConfcrenesoE 1902. I d«rfre to put forward some of the considerations—and I shall not be always using my own word?—which appear to me to bear most closely upon their sound solution. They are of admitted difficulty. While all may be agreed that our people should be drawn closer together, both in sentiment and interest, there may well be difference? as ti> how that is to be best brought about. I shall endeavor to ssy what I have to say in this spirit. But the trend is unquestionably towards closer ,uiion. If we aw to keep our leading position as a nation it must be by acting as one united whole, and not as a number of scattered Darts. If there is to be true national unity thwe must 1>? a system by which the parts may be given —Voice in the Affairs of the Empire.— Are we to continue to be represented in our Mother Country by a Cosruni&sionor only? Setting on one side, as well as we may, m-jtives of self-interest, may we not ask ourselves how wo in this distant part of the Empire, while represented only by any holdeT of this office, can best assist in strengthening those ties which those who setbefore "themselves the ideal of Imperial Federation so earnestly desire to see drawn more closely together? I am not speaking for the moment •>( the commercial aspect of the- question—l shall endeavor to touch upon {bat presently, as, in the circumstances nf the colonies. Preference by the Mother Country in tariff treatment raftst, I submit, precede' the federation of onr people, | unless that consummation is. to be unduly i delayed. But as a leading statesman tells j us, empires that arc* founded on trade alone must irresistibly crumble. Imperial Fede- I Tatian—the ideyl. though it he u distant ! one—-means a closer union between t J rent Britain and her colonies, and the welding of'all their parts into one Imperial whole. The foundation and expansion of our colonies have, given 'to onr people an ocean-wide Empire. Altered conditions call for altered systems. The solution of these questions may involve the future relations of the. Mother Country and her possessions in all parts of the Empire. We see what ia taking place in -Canada. She, in common with the other Oversea Dominions, sued

the Mother Country for —Preferential Tariff Treatment.— she had led the way in giving it. but her request was- refused. She- is now negotiating to receive from her neighbor, the I'nited States, preferential treatment which she was denied by her Mother Country. If this Treaty be confirmed, it will mean that for the first time in the history of our people a colony will be given more favorable tariff treatment than the. Mother Country herself, a position that is -wholly incompatible with Imperial unity. It' is impossible at this stage to foretell to what the entering into of such a Treaty may lead. Bat it must mark an epoch. It must do one of two things: it must either Btrengthea our Empire of weaken it. Can it strengthen the -relations that now exist between Canada and her Mother Country? "Will it bring about improved conditions between Great Britain and Ireland and the United States ? We know that it. must mean closer union between United States •and Canada. Sir Wilfrid Luurier has 6rx>ken of Preference hi tariff treatment as a bond of Empire. Will this bond mean the abandonment by Canada of her national policy? Is she standing at

—The Parting of tho Ways?— These are questions which no one can answer to-day. But one thing is- clear : it increases the difficulty of Preference to the colonies. Ido not think, then, that I put the position too strongly when 1 say that the solution of these questions may involve the fefcure relations of tho Mother Country Biid her possessions in all parts of the Empire. Our Empire lias s-o greatly expanded, and the question? ufiectinir 'those parts are now so v;uied, that some council for conference—soma central body—■ through wich all the parts may be kept in touch, and may put forward the views which tbev hold on Empire questions, is imperatively necessary in tho interests of • closer union. Tho need for keeping the 1 \ Mother Country and her colonies in touch has king been seen by statesmen, although not always for like reasons. Disraeli, wbcae recognition of Imperial ism war, but tardy, would, have had it a condition of their self-government that they should l>e represented in the Mother Cuimtry by the ? .. institution of a council, which would' keep them—to u» his own words—in constant ~. and orantinuocs relatior,t> with the British Government. Mr Chamberlain—and no .-.:-. living man has done as much as he to bring about Imperial Federation—whose retirement from the Colonial Office brought to jt close what has been well called the greatest administration of that office in colonial history, admitted that colonial aspirations and colonial interests must be given recognition. In the absence of such a. bodv the attitude of the Mother Country anil ter colonies may not- always be> in aeiord. The- latter want to share her respeuj-jhih-tie«, but desire a —More Perfect Imperi.il System.— The foundation of audi a system has been laid in the conference* which it has Lean decided shall b« regularly held, and a* these have evolved, aa I take it, from theCoJcmial Office and from that of the High Commissioner, aJ'hovgh they have superceded neither- -:o th*»y in turn rnnstevolve, in furtherance of the spirit of closer union, Into, a body whnee functiorts aboil be more extended. Htffurent suggestions have been made irom. time to time as to how ar. Imperial Council could best be formed. Sir I*V<«derick Pollock supg«bUx> an Imperial Committee of the Privy Council to which rejrre«nt«*tivM of the Itoßiinians could be . norainatfd, and with whem the Cabinet would take counsel on Imperial question*. Lmd Roaebery thinks that the official it-

presaatatiwes of the I>jm2iik>ns might- be made life members of 'tfhe House of Lords. Pher© are eome who think •fihat representation might be gwen by right of speech in" the House of Commons, or in the House of Lords. Others support the nomination of a certain number of senators, to' be given seats in a reformed Howe of Lords, these to be appointed by the party for the time being in power, with duo rogawl to the fair representation "f different shades of political opinion. MrCedl Rhodes thought that the time bad arrived in his day lor eivinu to the colonies a clearer voice on Empire questions. Ho would havo ba«sd their claim to it upon their .contributions to Imperial Defence. There a.re many who think that it is only needful to con stitute

. —An Imperial Council of Defence, — . J and at the last conference there was InoLiceahle a disposition to concentrate upon defence— a disposition that was """wholly justifiable, I think, in viow of existing unrest. There can be no question that 1 I Imperial Defence is of first importance. Wo must stand as one united whole, and : there can be no truer unipn than a Union for defence. The greatest common duty of our people is Imperial Defence. Their • greatest common interest is Imperial trade. The body to be constituted must deal not only with the defence of our Empire, but i with its maintenance —with the pxwuotion of interunperial ttadu that a nation takes its status. That is the source of its strength. If it be impaired tho whole position is changed, its jiower and its prestige are lowered. At the conference of 1807, as they had dome at previous conference,"!, the colonial Premiers submitted that the means best designed for promoting this—the greatest interest of our j>eople~was the adoption of a system of Preferential Tariffs. The proposals could not be accented by the Mother Country ; but nothing has been submit Led to take its place. Conference after conference has been'held, but there lias been no concerted action. International competition for trade is going on j year alter year with increasing intensity. j Surely we must have fiscal unity as well a.-- fighting unitv. If a. policy is to be maintained which will force the. colonies to the conclusion that united action in this direction is not to bs* hoped for—if each is to *et about entering into commercial treaties on its own account—as Canada, worn out with waiting has done—for there would have boon no Keriprocity Treatv with the United iStates had there been a" svstem of Preferential Tariffs amongst our own people—disintegration will begin. There | would be dismemberment, of the Empire.

I Ihe day _ wd.uld not be long distant when i the Empire thsTe would he left to defend ' would be. a very different Empire from that which it is our dory to assist in defend - I ing and maintaining to day. These are —Complex and Difficult, Questions,— | whith involve considerations that call for ; the united wisdom of the leaders of ; thought i.ll over the Empire. But, the j greatest danger to our people is not diffiI culties, but that ;i policy should be maintained which will treat them as insuperable. That- has nut been the liistojy of our past. There have been as greal difficulties encountered and overcome as those which h>om in the future. Colonial statesmen—always, be it acknowledged, with the assistance. the t encouragement, and the support which they received from the Mother Country—have done a great deal to briug about the federation of those parts of the Empire with which tffey .have been in closest touch. To the proposal, a generation or two ago, that there should be unification of our people; the answer miglnV well have been that the difficulties were too great—that there were too many scattered parts to be consulted, too many •places to be brought- into unison. But how much has been done! There were the separate parts of Canada : there is to-day tha one Dominion. There were the separate States of Australia—how great difti-. cullies there were to solve we who lived near to the scene of action know ; but those difficulties have been overcome: | there us to-day one Commonwealth. And it has been the same in South Africa. It | is 35 years since >Sir George Grey voiced I the view that there should be a United ! South Africa under British rule. The difficulties were then believed to be unsurmountable ; but one by one they have been overcome, till there \vai> consummated last ye.tr the Great South African Union. All these parts of the Empire, in the interests of closer union, have systems giving

—Preferential Tariff Treatment .. to sections of the traders of oar own people, in the benefits of every one of which the Mother Country participates. The movement must be forward ; there can be no halting halfway. By common consent the time has arrived when the colonies are to be given a clearer voice on Empire questions. But how is it to be given? What are to be its limitations? For there must he restrictions imposed upon it in the interests of the .Mother Country, and of the colonies themselves. Through what medium is it to be put forth? Wo shall best assist, I think, to answer these questions if wo endeavor to clear the way of that which, under existing conditions, is not possible, j 'i —The Crux of the Position.—

Representation in its full sense, carrying with it common liability, could not be accepted by the self-governing colonies if it were offered to them, for it would mean interference with their independence, with their position as self-governing colonies. Eager as they are for tho closest possible union with the Mother Land, that is a price which they could not pay. The autonomy of the self-governing colonies must be maintained. For this reason representation in the House of Commons, or in any kindred body with paramount powers, should not yet be asked for, for the colonies could not accept it. Such representation would mean common liability, involving submission by the colonies to taxation by an outside body. Only for the cseraso oi' limited rights, with restricted responsibilities in the direction that I have indij cated, are the colonies, 1 submit, ready ycf to take their part- in the counci's of the I nation.' The body best designed to give ii ! —and no one can venture to speak* upon j these difficult questions without submission —-would be an Imperial Council-—an extension of tho existing conference—but a body whose name would be of little coisgc- ! uueiice, consultative and advisory, broadly j based upon tho lines that were put forward : at the imperial Conference of 1907. 1 do not say that this is the final goal, nor can I see any reason whatever why the body to be first constituted shoulil not, as conditions change, "or as the populations of the governing colonies increase, bring them up more nearly to tho level of the Mother Country, arid would so enable them to exercise a real voice, if one were given to them, and evolve into j • —A Body of Real Significance—- ; in the Imperial economy. That was the ideal of • our Prime Minister—the wider view recently put forward by him. But ! the day for its realisation is not yet. The body to be first constituted must leave to the Mother Country absolute freedom upon all -.leading Imperial questions, and especially upon that of Imperial Defence. ', Aa she "still provides by far the largest share of the sinews of war, the final word upon all these questions must bo with her. Its existence, on the other hand, must not involve the colonies in liability to taxation. Its members would be appointed from the Mother Countiy and from the colonies, and they need not necessarily be, in my judgment. Prime Ministers, who. from their manv duties, would find it impossible to attend at times and places that might be found to be necessary. They would, bow.ever, have to be irf touch with Governments ; preferably they should be members of Ministries, because conclusions, when arrived at, would have to be submitted to them for confirmation. The members would be appointed with a single eve to their. fitness for such responsible posrtiona —men of sound judgment, with wide knowledge upon all questions relating to the common interests of the people. They would hold their meetings at such places and with such frequency as might be -advisable; they would be as free from party bias as it is possible for men to be, and tbev would deliberate in secret; ior. apart altogether from considerations of diplomacy, secrecy is highly desirable. They would approach the consideration of all questions coming before them with an eye to tho common good, and in a spirit of true unity, without seeking to encroach

upon the rights of other countries. We should thus have our nation in council. The conclusions of such a body, although not always unanimous,- would be equivalent to tho verdict of an interimperial jury' upon Imperial issues. When confirmed by Governments buttressed by the support of the people, and put forward for the consideration and approval of the Mother Country, thoy would not be lightly set aside. I venture to submit that only under some such conditions as I -have sketched are tho colonies ready as yet to interveno in the ..councils of the nation; and the more closely we oxamino the question the more clearly, I think, will this be made to appear. Even if the colonies, as the price of representation, were prepared to submit to taxation by an outside body, it would

—Give Them No Real Voice.— The difference between tho population of the Mother Country and any one of her colonies is so great that the number of representatives that would be allotted to them would be too few to" accomplish any purpose ; and that would be the case even if tho numbers were fixed, as has been suggested, upon a population basis. But there is another factor which would tend still further to reduce the quota of the colonies, which, in fairness to tho Mother Country, would have to be taken into account in fixing the numbers, and that is the perliead contribution" to Imperial Defence. So largely did this weigh with Mr Cecil Rhodes that he would have based upon it the claim of the colonies to representation. But whatever basis might be selected, the number of representatives that would be allotted to the colonies would be too small to enable them to achieve anything; the preponderating voice would always be with the Mother Country. lam far from suggesting that it would be arbitrarily exercised, but there .can be no true representation where the decision upon every question may be with one country. Such representation would be merely in name.

—lt Would Be Illusory.— A vote could be recorded : with a division there would be the. exercise 'of the right, but, I repeat, nothing could be achieved. There would still remain the liability to taxation by an outside body. It would mean the colonies giving up their birthright for the Tight to exercise what might be a barren vote. These considerations must have been well in the minds of those who attended the Imperial Conference of 1907: they must have considered them in all their bearings, for the council which the Prime Ministers then desired to have constituted was to be solely consultative and advisory. Over and over again during the discussion which then took place stress was laid upon this. The resolution submitted by Mr Deakin, as representing the Commonwealth of Australia, was that the council should consist of representatives of the Mother Country and her colonies chosen ex officio from existing Administrations. Our Prime Minister's proposal was somewhat to the same effect. The intention, as explained by .the Dominion Prime .Ministers, was to preserve conferences similar,to those, held in 1902 and 1907, unchanged in personnel or procedure, except in so far as it might be desirable to connect the intervals between their meetings, and to provide a more effi- : cient system for keeping members in touch with one another and with the colonies concerned. A conference, it was explained, was not to have political or judicial power, or- to be able to act in any way independent of the colonies concerned. It "was to provide for its periodical meeting to discuss Imperial questions, and wherever possible to arrive at conclusions which were to be submitted to the colonies concerned. But it was not to have power to put into force any decision arrived at. A secretariat was to" be appointed to connect the interval between meetings, and it was to act as an executive for putting into force the decisions of that conference when confirmed. It was. to'-be a nexus between the Mother Country and the colonies. In this way it was believed that there would be given to the colonies the voice which j ought io bo given to '.them upon Empire] questions, as wo know the Mother Country preferred that a portion of the Colonial Office should •■' continue to attend to the affairs of the governing- colonies. That decision is .Still, being acted upon. Another conference, has been held. What, then took place is so/'fresh: in the minds of j hon. , members,, that, there is no need to j dwell long upon.it.V > j —No Beat Progress.—

The question that, concerns us i.* : What has been done?. What progress Juts been made? On the-two questions upon which I am endeavoring to contribute a thought there has not been any real progress. In 1907 the colonial Prime Ministers were unanimous as to the- nature of the body they desired to be constituted: but that unanimity, no longer exists. Without itthere can be no movement forward. Upon the ether question the' colonial Priino Ministers then reaffirmed a resolution they had passed in 1902 in favor of ■the adoption of a .system of Preferential Tariffs among our own people. This was regarded as of 6ueh importance that it was the leading feature of the- conference. It was not brought up at-the recent conference, for consideration at all. It is true a commiesion is to be set up to inquire into tho trade of our people, hut the vital principle of the resolution that has year after year been pressed forward by colonial Prime Ministers was expressly eliminated at tho recent conference. It is admitted that greater attention has beep paid to colonial affairs in consequence of what has taken place at these conferences—trade commissioners h:iv> been appointed; the colonies have been visited by tho chiefs of the Colonial Office, Sir Charles Lucas, and .Mr Pearson, whom many of hb had the. pleasure to meet, in the interest, I understood,, of both federation and trade. Future conference of this nature will no doubt do something to promote the. welfare of the selfgoverning colonics. But the unity of tho whole Empire—in sentiment and in in-

terest —as Mr Chamberlain's fine business instinct put it. "sentiment must not be allowed to take the place of organisation" —is closely bound uo with the solution oi these questions, as to which, as I have already stated, no real progress has been made at the conference which has just been held. However much we may differ as to means—they in the Old Land, wo ii: the colonies, ea/ih among its own members —the common object is the same. We ail desire to promote a —Wholesome Sentiment of National Unity,—

frec from any of that vaingloriousness '•which.the jingo seeks to obtrude, but which ve iibhfv. The great Press Coufcreiice that- lately eat in England, attended as it was by leaders of thought, from all pcits of lhe % Empire, did much to extend it. Education will do its share to promote it. This was realised by that builder of Empire Cecil Rhodes, when he designed his munificent scheme of drawing from the colonies their fittest and best mentally equipped sons to work 6klo by side with those, in the Mother Country, who in the ordinary course attend cue of England's great universities, arid'to work in amity with, our brothers front Germany and the United States, with all of whom we desire to be on terms of close amity—all envoys, surely, of truest federation. An interimpeiial policy wisely constituted cannot for long be delayed. Although statesmen in the Mother Country may not yet be agreed as to how this result may best bo brought about, all must see that .the colonies, whose population is now so large, cannot for Jong bo left without a eieater voice in the affairs of Empire; that they outfit not to continue to be dealt with in tariff treatment leas favorably than those countries which .eet up hostile tariffs against the Mother Land and- her colonies. Although the different parts of the Empire may be brought nearer by improvements in steamship communication and by the cheapening of' postal' and cable communication —which was strongly advocated by our own Prime Minister in 1907, when he failed- to get the support of the Mother Country for his preference- propeak—it is by the opening up of trade among "£he peoplo in all parts of the Empire that the bonds of Empire will bo best strengthened and brought more closely together. —The Appeal of the Dominions.— In order to promote this intercourse, the colonies ask the Mother Country to prefer to deal with them—to reciprocate the tariff J preference which they Have ;led the way !

in giving, and to give them, Preference trpon certain items ,in tariff treatment. The most important of these, so far as our own. Dominion is'concerned, is the proposal to impose a preferential duty upon foreign meatraad foreign produce. I propose to select for some observances, -which I'would like by the forbearance of hon. nieimbeis to make, the proposal to impose a duty upon foreign com and foreign flour. It is typical of the Right Hon. •Vfr ■Chamberlain's proposal ae a whole, to whicnoriticisni is chieily directed by thoso who arc opoosed to the principle of Preference; and it is the item with which a, commencement eonld bo made when those who are rimst deeply concerned shaJl nave satisfied themselves that it will not mean any real increase in the cost of broad- 'Sir Wilfrid lyaurier has spoken of Preference in tariff treatment as —A Bond of Empire.—

In view of the treaty that is now under negotiation between Canada and the United States, those words of his liave a s-.perial significance "for l>opple throughout the Empiro. They ought to bo set before tkem as one of '"their watchwords when they arc sidering the (-means bast designed to keep together to promote their greatest common interest —their trade "Preference in tariff treatment is a Bond of Empire." Although nothing has go far been dono by tho Mother Country to bring about fliis Preferential Trade, 'the question is such a vital one for tho Empire as a whole that it must bo revived. The colonies rr& not yet ready for Freetradc wilhin tho l£mpiro, or. "rather, for that measure of Freetrade which may bo practicable. -\bs°lute Freetrade between the various divisions of our own people* will nwer be pos-" sible. As young countries they have industries which they ism-omy buiid up by fostering and protecting theui ; hju T , t>i;.t ie no reason why there sn-iuld be «. thing: done. It cannot, be b.-.ped that this treasure of Freetrade can )k> aU.jJned ;it a tingle bound. Our people know tha:. t hey must wait for it. Preferential Vicutmcut, 1 submit, must como first. And when we shall have so firmly established oik industries that they khall be a'de—if not. liko Franco, Germany, the Un.'ted States, and the Commonwealth of Australia/—to .have Free-trade amongst our cvn people, we shall have that measure of it which may be practicable, and we shall have realised Imperial Federation in one of it.s phases. There are,, however, oihw phases of Imperial Federation whieh time will not permit mo to touch upon. . It was surely not unreasonable to hf.po that at tho conference which has just taken place thk important question of giving Preferential Treatment to our own people should have been brought up and have had consideration given to it. A long interval had elapsed —fuller opportunity had been given tor considering it in all its hearings. At the conference of 1907 it not only had a place, but it was its leading feature. The colonial Prime Ministers, in..putting it forward, did not act liastily ; they had considered the question in all it.s bearings, and they had done so in their own countries. So far as my own recollection serves me alone of a!!' the questions submitted from time to time for consideration at Imperial conlerencrs, upon this question the people had already spoken with —No Uncertain Sound,—

for there had been placed upon the Statute Books of all the self-governing colonics legislation affirming the principle of giving Preference to the Mother Land, and of extending the principles to different sections in different areas of .our own borders, in the benefits of every one of which the Mother Country participates. Notwithstanding this earnest.of tho sincere belief ! that such a system would create a common bond of interest among our own people, strengthen them, bring them closer together, and make for unity ; notwithstanding that that view has hesn pressed forj ward by colonial Prime Ministers froan the i very earliest days of -these conferences—it was brought forward at the first conference, nearly a quarter of a century ago, when Lord Salisbury, though stating that he could.-not accept' it, admitted that it was not impossible—that it had been, brought forward at every conference- since, that a resolution in its favor was submitted by i colonial Prime Ministers in 1902, that that | resolution was leaflirmed, in . 1.907,. that j those who then supported it still hold to the views which they then expressed, and I that those views aro shared by tens of • thousands' of people within the Empire—- ' the- question was not brought forward, at | the recent conference at all. We know, of coarse, that the reason for this wa.s that ' the Mother Country is,still opposed, .to it. i But surely that is no reasoa why, at an I .Imperial Conference, for which fom- years have had to be waited, and to which leaders from all parte of the Empire have gone, the question sltould not have be?u brought up for'further consideration. It is by ciis- | cussion and by criticism that wo arrive at the truth. Upon this question the. colonies may be wrong. On the other hand, they may be right. The 'conference has come and gone. Although our people. from all parts of the Empire have attended for the purpose of considering, as tho constitution of the conference says, all questions .of common interest, to our people, this question has not beer, brought up for discus-i-ion at all. At former conferences the. proposal to give Preference to the colonies was received by tho Mother Country as implying an infraction of the principle of Freetrade. to which thceo who then controlled the destinies of the Mother Country claimed that they firmly adhered—that itmeant a change in their fiscal system involving a tax on food. The colonies wore told—pretty pkinly too— that the amount of the Preferonco which they coiikl give to the Mother Country would net be of much value. • The question was net i put forward as a. money one, nor was it : put forward as a question in which party was in any way involved. It was put forward by those who supported it in tho belief that it made for the unity of our people, by strengthening them through strengthening their trade, by establishing a common Ivond that would draw them closer together, and by keeping them closer together. (To be continued.)

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Bibliographic details

Evening Star, Issue 14638, 7 August 1911, Page 7

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5,425

A NOTEWORTHY SPEECH Evening Star, Issue 14638, 7 August 1911, Page 7

A NOTEWORTHY SPEECH Evening Star, Issue 14638, 7 August 1911, Page 7