THE COLONIAL CONTERENCE.

Evening Star, Issue 11693, 26 September 1902, Page 8

THE COLONIAL CONTERENCE.

HOW THE RESULTS WERE

RECEIVED

~(]Pkojc Oto Special Cokbespojtdkst.]

v : LONDON, August 15. v-“Tbey do not know by how much the lialfexceeds the whole” is the ancient paradox which one of the London daily papers applies to the remits of the recent Colonial Conference. It is certainly applicable. The work of the Conference is lifedy to prove valuable both for what has been done and what has been left undone. It is generally considered here that the most important feature in the Conference proceedings has been its restraint. The temptation was strong to produce a dramatic programme tlpt must have commanded world-wide attention, and might have been epoch-making. The Conference might, for instance, have recommended adoption of an Imperial Customs Union, under which there would he free trade between all parts of the Empire, and a tariff barrier against the rest of the world. It might also have decided to create an Imperial army, and to which every port of the Empire should contribute proportionately, and in the control of which every port of the Empire might participate in an Imperial legislature in which the United Kingdom, India, and the colonies would have proportional representation. There are many leaders of thought in England who dream these dreams, and there were some in the Conference (notably ?Irl .Chamberlain and Mr Seddon) who possibly 'hoped to see them realised wholly or in part. But obviously the time is not yet for such structural changes in the constitution of the Empire. Political considerations compelled Sir Chamberlain to abandon his zoDverein scheme before he went into the. Conference; the attitude of the Canadian and Australian Commonwealth Premiers destroyed whatever hopes the Secretary for War may have entertained of an Imperial military combination. There remained of these ambitions projects only the- naval subsidies, of which hopeful anticipations were entertained. These anticipations have been so far realised that I am in a position to say the Admiralty authorities axe entirely satisfied with the recommendations which the colonial Premiers have agreed to place before their respective Parliaments. • Although the Conference did not fulfil the high hopes that were at one time held in regard to probable results, the last of their decisions includes some that may be far-reaching in their ultimate effects. Among these may be mentioned notably the approval of the principle of preferential tariffs, the giving of preference ,to British and colonial tenderers in Government contracts, the extension of the system of ocean steamships’ subsidies, the promotion of inter-imperial trade, and the reorganisation of the Australasian, section of the British Navy on a basis that incorporates the colonies with the United Kingdom as sources from which both mon and money may be drawn, and enlarges the naval training area of the nation. IMPERIAL PREFERENTIAL TRADE. The general effect of the resolution on t his subject was that whilst recognising that as between the United Kingdom and the other Powers certain trade relations existed, it was desirable that closer trade relations .should exist between the United Kingdom and the other parts of the British Empire. -The resolution also recognised that while anything like free trade between the different parts of the Empire was impossible for .the present, the promotion of intra-im-perial trade was desirable, and with that purpose in view it should be a recommendation to the Parliaments of the United Kingdom and of the colonies to give a substantial preference in Customs duties to the products and manufactures; of the Empire. As already explained, it was Mr Chamberlain's original intention to formulate an imperial Zoileverein or Customs Union scheme that would give the colonies preferential treatment in the English market in return for similar tariffs treatment of English goods in colonial markets. As England’s existing tariff is too limited to be used in tins way, the purpose was to impose a number of light duties on products and manufactures, with remissions in favor of imports from the colonies. The com duties were intended to prepare the way for this important departure in the English fiscal system. At all events this was the interpretation which Sir Wilfred Laurier put upon the matter when dealing with it in the Canadian Parliament. Either Cabinet was not prepared to follow Mr Chamberlain’s lead the whole way he wished to go, or Mr Chamberlain himself halted. Certain it is that when he met the Conference be was reticence personified as far as proposals forpreferantial tariffism were concerned. The Conference started practically with a. blank sheet of paper in tins respect, and the ultimate decision arrived at represents more the sentiment of the colonial Premiers rather than any polity of the Imperial Government. OCEAN STEAMSHIP SUBSIDIES. One of the most important subjects dealt with by the Colonial Conference was that relating to the subsidy system in connection with lines of mail steamships. It was not. found practicable to, lay down any definite system that would be applicable to all parts- of the Empire, but the Conference were unanimous in their opinion that only British-owned and British-controlled ships should be subsidised. This policy, if acted upon,, will, for .instance, operate' against any continuance of the subsidy to the Sprockets line of mail steamships between .Sun Francisco and Australasia. The consensus of opinion in the Conference was that wherever justifiable for postal or commercial reasons, the rates of subsidy should be increased, and that one of the purposes that should be kept in view should be the maintenance of British mercantile supremacy in British porta on all British lines of communication. It will he a recommendation to the Parliaments of the United Kingdom and of the colonies to give effect as .far as possible to these considerations. Mr Seddon was anxious to secure a straight out declaration in favor of subsidising Bri-tish-owned ships carrying British goods, hut .it was generally felt that this purpose would be served by the operation of preferential tariffs and the subsidies to mail steamships. It was believed that these

two provisions gave the Mother Country , and the colonies sufficient power to exclude unfair foreign competition in’ oversea trade. Canada’s representatives were the most zealous in this connection. They represented that they had already given a substantial concession to England by their tariff remissions of one-third on English goods, and that inasmuch as the Mother Country bad no tariff concession to make in return, its reciprocity might take the form of assisting Canada in subsidising new and improved steamship lines with England. South Africa, Australia, and the East. This is otie of the most practical and practicable of the Conference decisions, inasmuch as it may. be given effect to with greater ease atid, promptitude, and with less probability of conflicting with vested interests, than would be involved in the revision of the various colonial tariffs. IMPERIAL MILITARY DEFENCE. The Conference would have nothin® to' do with participation in the cost or'control of/ Imperial military. defence. Sir Wilfrid T aurier and Sir Edmund Barton, as representing Canada and Australia respectively, made this quite clear, and the other tolonial Premiers were either not sufficiently influential or sufficiently enthusiastic to press the subject forward. IMPERIAL NAVAL DEFENCE. . The most important decision of the Conference in. relation to this snbject was that dealing with the renewal of the Australian . Naval Squadron agreement. The Conferenfc'e-} recommended to the approval of the of the United Kingdom, Au«- ' kr'alja, and New Zealand a modification of ; .the existing agreement to the effect that the present subsidy of £125,000 a year should be increased, snbject to the condition that the obsolete ships in the squadron shall be replaced by the newest and most effective type of cruisers; that a certain proportion of the ships of the squadron shall he . officered and manned by Australians and Nev? Zealanders ; that such, Australiana'and Nqw Zealanders shall be quartered together in -certain cruisers or drill ships, to which, thqy shall be exclusively assigned, .and that they shall receive rates of pay : equal to, the local' standard rates. ’ The

members representing Australia, New Zealand, Cape Colony, and Natal agreed 'to advise their respective Parliaments 'to increase their contributions to the Imperial Navy in the following proportions: —Cpramonwealth of Australia, £200*000; New Zealand, £40,000 j Cape Colony, £50,000; and Natal, £35,000—0r a total of £325,000. This is rather more than doable the present contributions. Canada 'refused to contribute to either naval. or military Imperial defence. There will be three drill ships, one of which shall be stationed at Sydney, one at Melbourne, and one in New Zealand. 'They will be similar to the reserve ships now on the Australian station, which at present are usually confined to harbor, and manned with only maintenance crews. It will be remembered that there has long been a demand on the part of the colonies for permission to use these ships for training purposes for the benefit of local naval forces. They will now have their opportunity. One of the embers will be permanently stationed in New Zealand, but the whole fleet will, of course, visit the various Australasian ports as heretofore. The idea of establishing an Australian navy, owned and • controlled by the Commonwealth, was gone into fully by the Premiers, in consultation with the Admiralty officers, but the decision unanimously arrived at was that the cost would be altogether beyond the financial resources of the colonies, and that the results in efficiency and up-to-date-ness would not be so satisfactory as under a scheme whereby the Admiralty was under an obligation to supply the latest ships and armaments, and to replace them as they became ineffective or obsolete. THE VICTORIA MEMORIAL. The representatives of the whole of +he colonies intimated their intention of contributing towards the National Memorial in commemoration of Queen Victorai in the capital of the Empire. The total contribution of the self-governing colonies alone will probably exceed £IOO,OOO. Already for this purpose Canada- has promised a contribution of £30,000, Cape Colony £20,000, New Zealand not less than £15,000, and Natal £IO,OOO. The amount to be contributed by Australia has not yet been s fixed, but is expected to be on the same scale as the contributions from other colonies. NEW ZEALAND AND FIJI. One of the proposals which the Premier of New Zealand (Mr Seddon) brought before the Colonial Conference was for the annexation of Fiji to New Zealand. The proposal, however, met with such scant a P?. r ? val th 3"* R was promptly abandoned. Fiji is what is town as a “ Crown colony,” .and Mr Chamberlain’s view that it should be permitted, as other Crown colonies have been, to work ont its political destiny towards constitutional self-government met with general acceptance. GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS. An understanding was arrived at that in future, in all Government contracts in the United Kingdom and the colonies, whenever a country or a colony had to go outside its own territory to supply its needs, preference shall be given to* British or colonial tenderers as against foreign tenderers. ° miscellaneous recommendations. It was resolved that where letters patent for inventions are granted in one part of the Empire they should carry with them provisional protection for a reasonable time in all other parts of the Empire. It was decided to recommend the Imperial Government to grant full admission of fullyqualified lawyers, doctors, and other professional men in the new colonies in South Africa upon reciprocal terms. A resolution was also adopted in favor of the establishment of the metric system of weights and. measures throughout the Empire. MR SEDDON DISSATISFIED. It is well known here that Mr Seddon had wished to go further and faster than most of his brother Premiers at the Conference, and it is therefore not unnatural that he should be somewhat disappointed with the results. He frankly confessed this in an interview which he gave to a representative of the ‘ Daily Chronicle ’ the day after the Conference. “ On the whole,” said Mr Seddon, “ I think the Conference was not so thoroughly Imperialistic in tone as I expected it would have been, and, indeed, as I had. been led to anticipate previously. But I had taken a too optimistic view of what was going to happen from the feeling which I know exists in New Zealand, and also from what I had been led to expect from the tone of the Press in the Mother Country.” “But how was this want of an Imperialistic tone shown?” “Well,” said Mr Seddon, “perhaps your question wonld seem to indicate more than I intended to convey in what I have just said. What I do feel about the Conference is that it dwelt more upon the commercial side and less upon the Imperial side of the relations between the colonies and the Mother Country than I should have expected. Commerce is very important, but there is something more important still, and that is the binding together of the Empire. For instance” my own proposal was for a Conference of the Premiers every three years, hut the present Conference has decided that it is to be held every four year's. This I don’t consider to be . often enough; indeed, I don’t see why they should not be held every year. We have heard so much lately about consolidation, taking counsel together, an interchange of opinion, and representation of the colonies in the consideration of Imperial questions, and so on, that I think something more ought to have been done in these directions. It has always,” continued Mr Seddon, ‘been held to be a maxim of the British Constitution that representation must follow contribution. There have already been contributions from the colonies towards the service of the Empire. There are to be increased contributions in the future. Logically, therefore, there should be representation without delay. This is particularly true now that we have to deal with the future of South Africa. I need not speak about what we have done and what we are prepared to do, in the defence of the Empire in South Africa, but purely this gives us a great and abiding interest in the future of that country And therefore ought we not to have some say as to the policy which will be entered upon there?” SIR EDMUND BARTON SATISFIED. The Premier of the Australian Commonwealth views the results of the Conference without the dissatisfaction that appears to prevail in some quarters. He said to the representative of the ‘Daily Chronicle’: “I do not take an ultra-optimistic view of the results of the Conference, but I fear that there are some who take a pessimistic view, because they had .formed anticipations' quite beyond all probabilities. Britons outside the United Kingdom will get their full share of the government of the Empire when they are prepared to pay a price which is at present impossible. That price is the acceptance of a policy of representation at a vast distance from the seats of their own Governments-r-a distance at present.so great in terms of the time of journey that it is difficult to conceive how it could be usefully demanded. But even then a full share of representation could not mean a full share of influence; because the representation that could be in proportion to population would be insufficient to direct the determination of an Imperially representative Parliament, supposing such a Parliament were attainable. Now, this is the cardinal point. My own view is that the colonies can exercise at present a larger influence on Imperial questions through the Government of the United Kingdom than they could exercise if they accepted an infinitesimal representation in the Imperial Parliament. ,In the sense in which each discussion has proceeded the colonies might have been more Imperial. That is to say, it might have laid down wider and larger proposals or resolutions. But to have done , so would have been to have courted failure, because the extent to whjch the proposals, which affected the Imperial Parliament “could be accepted in common by. a number of separate autonomies is the extent to : Which pubije. opinion is identical in all those autonomies.. What

is necessary, then, is to find out this coat mon ground and to occupy it, and thence to proceed step by step as a comrqunity of sympathy and interest exists.-, r In the meantime, not only can so much qs lrhave indicated be done, but even more'. cause, beyond their relationships in common' the self.-governing colonies haye -ijelationships with the United Kingdom' which afford a ground of common action with her, according to the separate interests of each. Opportunities for this may be found in connection with trade and defence and several other subjects, and the outcome of the Conference shows that advantage has been taken of them, and more advantage is likely to be taken in the future. These, then, are the two spheres of action; the ever-growing sphere of on Imperial interest on the one hand, and on the other the arrangement of terms where the interest is not as concerns the whole Empire, but several parts of the Empire in their relation to it as the centre. Now, I take it that there are Jicre two purposes, each of-which has been Recognised by the Conference* and ‘each of which affords ground for extensions in the future. There is no ground for disappointment so long as these two obviously good principles find their .expression in action.” FOREIGN VIEWS OF THE CONFERENCE, American, German, and French newspapers regard the results of the Conference as important, not so much for the actual achievements as for the trend which has been given to Imperial sentiment, particularly in relation to trade and - defence. The ‘ Liberte ’ (Paris) regards it as a defeat of Mr Chamberlain, who, it observes, will live long enough to get his own way over the Imperial Customs Union, on which he has set his heart. The ‘Journal dea Debats’ regards the results as of great importance to Greater Britain. The resolutions carried show that a new era has begun for Great Britain (the paper says), and one in which the dream of Imperial Federation becomes something more tangible than it has hitherto, been considered by practical politicians. Indeed, in view of the Conference and the dignity with which it has been conducted by the Premiers of the various great self-governing States which form the Colonial Empire of Great Britain, it is quite justifiable to ask whether, after all. Imperial Federation will not be a fait accompli at a not very distant date.