ANOTHER DARK MOVE.

Evening Star, Issue 8613, 5 September 1891, Page 1

ANOTHER DARK MOVE.

i It plight h&Yfe thought thatfiyep’ the Extreme Left the 'DOjr dominant wpuid have been; satisfied with the absolute political eatmUty eif present established under the “ one-man-one-vote ” system, fpr which New Zealand has to thank Sir ‘ George Grey. The first fruits, as evidenced in the elections of. December last, were not altogether satisfactory; but there are conditions of confusion in politics as well as in physics which tend to right themselves; and we have confidence in the innate good sense of the people in time overcoming the influences which , have * brought about what may aptly be designated as a; fit of temporary insanity. On no other theory can the course, now being pursued by the Ministerial majority 5 ’ ’in the House, with the at least tacit acquiescence of the constituencies, be explained. direct taxation has been approved—we might say adopted, although the under it have not yet been imposed—groszy up-, just in its incidence, oppressive‘on the great producing industries, and certain to check the investment and expenditure of capital in the Colony. The proposed land legislation is in the same direction. Should the Land Bill pass in its present form improvements Will come to a standstill; no man in his senses will put money in or on land; and the extensive interests dependent upoii and connected with the various branches of agricultural industry will be so materially affected as to approach ruin. As the greatest tyrannies have eyer been perpetrated in the name of liberty, so this mischievous policy is declared to be designed for the benefit of the masses, who, in some way,, wholly unintelligible to those who think the matter out, are to profit by the diminution of the wealth of the country, the stagnation of enterprise, and the inevitable contraction of the field of employment.

The proceedings in committee of the whole House on Wednesday, when the Electoral Bill was under consideration, indicate that those who now rule the roost, like tigers who haye tasted blood, will not-easily be satiated. Whether the circumstances were accidental, as was apparent on the surface, or whether they were skilfully amnged beforehand by the Government, there is no doubt that the pretext of an amendment having been made in the definition of freehold qualification was eagerly seized upon by the Premier iu order to abolish that qualification altogether. That such a proposal would be greeted with acclamation by the main body of his supporters was a foregone conclusion ; and, so far as the representative branch of the Legislature is concerned, the constitutional principle of the right of property to some influence in imposing the taxation which is to fall upon that property has been subverted. It was no question of granting equal political rights. The electoral privilege is now open to all persons of full age who desire to obtain it; and no man can vote but in one district at a general election. Under the law as it stands, however, the owner of landed property can exercise his vote in the electoral district wherein that property is situated, although 116 may be resident elsewhere. The abolition of the freehold qualification most unjustly deprives him, under these circumstances, of exercising any political influence in the representation of the district where his closest interests lie. The practical outcome must be that a very considerable number of counti’y electors will be swamped in the town electorates. The object of the promoters of this revolutionary legislation is plain. They desire to weaken, so far as possible, the constitutional element in the country constituencies, and to deprive many who have substantial interests at stake of having a voice in the elections. We have little doubt that care will' be taken in good time before a general election to import batches of the “ free and enlightened ” from the towns into suspected districts. Under the Bill a person only requires to reside one month in a "district before he can place his name on the electoral roll. It does not require prophetic power to foresee how this may be worked under the present regime. We cannot avoid strong suspicion of Ministers having been privy, if not directly accessory, to the action of MrREES in proposing that the leasehold, qualification should be restored; > as being logically consistent with that of freehold. The same honorable gentleman had previously moved that the subsection defining freehold qualification should be struck out, and, failing in this, he went on the other tack, and urged that leaseholders should be accorded the same privilege as owners in fee. He could not have been sincere in thus endeavoring to intensify the evil which he had just before alleged was attached to the representation of property. The object of .the move is plain enough, and, if we are not the design waS from a more crafty intelligence than that of the honorable gentleman. In regard to the policy measures of the Government, the Legislative Council, up to this time, have shown a very wito,disoretion. They Jhave considered even those, the principles of which they disapproved, with most careful deliberation, and waived objections where it was possible conscientiously to, do so, in view of the very sejnou|i their positidn. -’ Wq may hope, however, that the .Council .will recognise it . to be - their dutjr not to sanction a grave constitutional change, adopted haphaaard

; Tiers’: vf-.i-KT.-- ,;r *'-' >qy toe House- ia r f committee, ostensibly ou the sadden impulse of the premier. Had 1 the abolition of the [ffeeHbld been originally proposed .in the. Bill as a, measure of ifLinisterial policy, there is no doubt ‘serioijs debate on the question would have Raised, on the motion for the secoiid'reading, and the pros and cons would* have -been fully before the /country. The matter is far too imextensive in its consequences—? to be disposed of thus summarily, and the Council will be fully justified in declining to concur with the' House, and in thus affording time for fuller consideration ; as well. as., giving an opportunity for theexpression of public opinion. In respect to the disqualification .clause, in the Bill, we are surprised that |it apught lobe amended in coinmittee fayi the inclusion of persons who are imtittesof charitable institutions. Jbn» Stpaet Mill, the very champion of a pure-democracy, regarded it as “ required by the first principles that “ the receipt of parish relief should “be "a peremptory disqualification “ for the franchise. He who can-

“not by his labor suffice for his “ own, support has no claim to the “privilege of helping himself to the “ money of others. By becoming dependent oh the remaining members “ of the community for actual subsistence, he abdicates his claim to equal “ lights with them in other respects/’ This is fully recognised in America; and we believe we are correct in asserting that not in a single State of the Union is the franchise allowed to be exercised by persons in receipt of charitable aid. When Stuart Mill speaks of “ first principles ” he refers to the universally admitted axiom that representation should be co-ex-tensive with taxation. Those who live on public alms contribute personally nothing to the revenue, and have distinctly no.right to representation. If it is too late to amend the clause in

the House, some member of the Legislative Council may perhaps see to it when the Bill is transmitted to that body.