NOTES.
The question o! the reform of the House of Lords has made a distinct adTlie House vance during the present year, of Lords. No doubt, as has been said, " the question is still, to a great extent, in what may be called its academical stage ; no party is definitely pledged to it, no Government has ventured to undertake it, and all politicians are therefore still free to consider on their merits any schemes or suggestions that may be put forth concerning it. This, indeed, is an advantage, but the seriousness with which such schemes and suggestions are being put forth, and the calm consideration which they now receive from all parties save the most irreconcilable and antiquated gang of the Tories, go far to demonstrate that the question has reached the very gate of that busy enclosure sacred to "praotical politics." By far the most salient and significant sign is the attitude of the House of Lords itself and of the bulk of the Conservative party. An acrimonious debate on the matter in the House of Commons, especially when led by an Extremist like Mr Labomhere, counts for very little; but when we find the Upper Chamber gravely debating upon its own condition, and Lord Salisbury declaring on the part of the Government that they were willing to give unprejudicsd attention to any clearly-defined scheme, we have proof positive that their Lordships are beginning to read the signs of the times and to recognise that if they themselves do not assist in putting their House in order a worse thing may not improbably befall them. Lord Rosebery closed his remarkably able speech on the subject a few weeks back with an admonition which had almost a tragic impressivfiness: "My Lords, I have only one last word to speak to you, but it is a golden one—it is the word 'opportunity.' It is not I or those who think with me—it is not we alone—but it is the Conservative party that are asking your Lordships to be up and doing. It is only your enemies that would have you be still. ... In the last sixty years the House of Commons has dug new foundations for itself, and each time it has an enormous and immeasurable accession of strength ; and in the meantime we have remained practically as we were at the time of the dissolution of the monasteries. My Lords, in such a position as this, it is not wise, politic, or secure, it is not even safe to continue; it is better frankly to admit to ourselves and the world that, both in principle and in practice, we need great reform and great reconstruction. Frankness, my Lords, indeed, on such a question is neither a merit nor a demerit in a person who thinks as I do. It is an absolute matter of duty, and reticence is little better than a crime. I therefore implore you, my Lords, and chiefly your Lordships who are privileged to be in the Government, not to neglect this opportunity—so marvellous if we look at the past, so bountiful if we regard the immediate future—this opportunity, by wise and by kindly legislation—to repair, renovate, and to reconstruct the authority and usefulness of this immemorial Chamber." Wise words, remarkable not only for their direct import, but also as showing the advance made by this " clever and plucky young nobleman " (as Mr Bright calls him) in eloquence and political sagacity. It was by a truly strange irony of fate that a few minutes before Lord Rosebery commenced his speech on "our old nobility," the Duke of Rutland (lately Lord John Manners) "took his seat and signed the roll." Oh! woodman, spare that tree ! Unfortunately when recourse is had to practical proposals in the direcHeredita tion of reform and reconstrucPrinciple. ti° n °f the House of Lords, enormous difficulties arise. All schemes yet submitted seem to be admittedly unworkable, and are assuredly intricate and complicated. Lord Rosebery himself shadowed forth a plan which is about as simple and comprehensible as Hare's system, or a Chinese puzzle; while Lord Dunraven and Messrs Curzon and Brodrick (both these, be it remarked, eldest sons of peers) have not been much more successful in their attempts at constitution-mongering. The chief reason of this failure lies in the fact that all these nobel reformers insist upon a partial retention of the hereditary principle; and it is obvious how difficult and invidious, if not absolutely absurd, a partial retention of that principle must prove. Of course the main object of the Conservatives in supporting any reform at all is the fear that if the matter is allowed to rest many years reform will most likely come in the shape of total abolition of hereditary legislators. They fed that if a reconstruction can be effected now on the plan of restricting the hereditary element and extending the selective or elective element, such a reconstruction would probably be a permanent and unassailable one. They are wise in their generation in this, but they have yet to find a feasible scheme as regards the restriction. Lord Granville, who holds fairly liberal views on the subject, asserts that the hereditary principle still has a strong hold upon the sentiment of the bulk of the population, and (little as we may admire the tone of mind which is the cause of this) very likely he is right. But will it be so strong twenty years hence? Not if "the thoughts of men are widened with the progress of the suns " and the Tories know this. Mr Taylor, the member for Sydenham, is a cool customer, and, judging «.. „ .. fr° m his conduct recently in Rather Cool! fche House( aWtof a wftg> He has a notice of motion on the Paper to the effect that the sum of L 4.000 out of the unallotted L7o,oooin the schedule to the Loan Bill should be appropriated to aid and assist the Sydenham Borough Council "in purchasing the old Show Grounds in Colombo road for recreation purposes"! Next, we suppose, he will want another appropriation to provide greatcoats for his constituents this winter, or perhaps to build an official residence for the representative of the borough ! It is difficult, no doubt, for a Canterbury man to realise that the sun of political jobbery has set, aod that under the new rdgimc the votes of any particular Provincial District may be for sale, but are hardly likely to find a, purchaser. In their presumed efforts to please everybody by the Tariff, the Ministers A Klco state have apparently succeeded in of Things. no t satisfying anyone. Those who believe in the principles of Freetrade are naturally disgusted, whilst the Protectionists are in arms demanding what almost amounts to a revision, in order that the people may be bled more freely for the benefit of the local manufacturers. Some declare that it is a revenue tariff after all, and that the Protection element is a mere blind. One thing, however, is beginning already to be realised—namely, that heavy additional taxation is involved, and that this will fall very largely on the poorer olasses. We have raised the warning voioe again and again, and declared how Protection practically works out as affeeting the community. The community are likely* to find this out for themselves after a brief experience of high duties. It will also be realised, should the Ministerial proposals be carried, that a late repentance, however sincere, will have little practical effect. The vested rights which are created by Protection- hav& always a strong .w»t»fity, and those whose credulity and shortsightedness have helped to bring about what we fcumot
regard otherwise than aa a catastrophe may possibly have the opportunity of bewailing themselves at leisure. How by the way, do certain local advocates of Protection iecoucile facts with their bold assertions, to the effect that under this policy goods would not be dearer to the purchaser and the conBumer? The price of certain articles in common use went up as soon as the tariff was published. Are the great soft goods men prepared further to carry out in their own establishments the further declaration that wages would rise ? The suggestion of Mr Vincent Pyke, that in * the event of the proposed DunCity edin Exhibition coming off the Iti'sn-ves. necessary buildings should be erected on the triangular reserve near the railway station, has not been favorably received by the City Council. The Reserves Committee reported that the site was not sufficiently extensive, and, for anything like an exhibition on a large scale, they are possibly right. It is a pity, however, that the Triangle is fast getting into a condition even worse than the Octagon, and, instead of being "a joy for ever," is likely to become a very serious nuisance to the neighborhood. A sort of malignant fate seems to pursue the reserves. The Octagon might be an ornament to the City if only closed to larrikin encampments, and the trees and shrubs protected from predatory hordes of mischievous boys. The Triangle, certainly, by its very appearance invites rubbish to be shot there, and has a generally hopeless look. The southern recreation ground, formerly one of the prettiest bits about Dunedin, has been entirely ruined by the ruthless cutting down, at the wrong season of the year, of the belt of trees which surrounded it. TheßeservesCommittee may, it is true, be hampered by the want of money; but, as a collective body, they evidently lack something far more important. What is it that makes the late Premier so very bitter in the matter of the what is Otago Central ? There must be He At '. something more in this than meets the eye ; for surely the presumed pleasure of girding at the genial Vincent, and drawing from him exceedingly diverting letters, can hardly be the motive. Sir Robert certainly comes off sec ° nd best in the correspondence, and has advanced no valid reason why the arrangement proposed in the Bill should not be carried out. It is somewhat amusing to note that in his last letter Sir Robert says that if Parliament, in the face of the Budizet, "can pass the Otago Central Railway;" he will regret that ''the colony has such representatives !" Now, as this Budget simply trumps the best card of the late Ministry, and proposes a policy which that Ministry, through Sir Julius Vogel, averred would at once bring about_ prosperity, it is somewhat inconsistent in the head of that Ministry to unmistakeably suggest that Protection will bring affairs to such grief that it will be useless to open up the interior of Otago. If he does not mean this, we should like to know what his words are intended to imply. Baleful influences are at work, there can be little doubt, to upset the Bill; and we again earnestly direct the attention of the people of the City and Provincial District to the desirability of an expression of public opinion in favor of the constriction of this line in the only way feasible ttttder present circumstances. It was moved recently in- the City Council that a by-law should be framed The Noble (!) with the object of'' suppressing Art. glove fights and similar exhibitions," but the majority of the City fathers, perhaps in view of the exchange of polite amenities which occaaionally take pfece in the Council Chamber, rejected the proposs.l. Glove fights, theoretically, are innocent diversions; but practically they assume a very difleront phase, and exhibit very little else than brutality. We have already in New Zealand several active agents of public demoralisation— the totahsator, to wit-and certainly a revival of pugilism is by no means to be desired. These encounters, even with the gloves on, pander to depraved tastes, as is evidenced by the character of the spectators. Unfortunately young people are apt to be attracted and initiated into perhaps the vory lowest form of sport. The larrikin element requires rather to be checked than encouraged, and it is the plain duty of the City Council to do everything within their power in this direction. Mb William Hutchison, in the matter of the works on the Otago Central, MUefcUvons ia reduced to abuse of those of "Agltattan. the unemployed who have chosen to state the real facts, and he assames great indignation because they do not sign their nameo in their communications to the Press. A nice life they would lead if they did so, at the hand* of Mr Hutchison's tUdntele, whose object manifostly is to force the Government to establish relief works in or about the City. The experiment has been tried more than once; but even that sturdy Democrat, Mr John Barnes, had to admit its utter failure, it having been found that a certain class of men preferred mere sustenance wages in town, on the Government stroke, to bestirring themselves to hunt up work. Very grave economic issues are really involved, but Mr Hutchi80D either declines to realise this or doe* not comprehend them. Does he con, eider what the annual expenditure might amount to if, at every centre of population, the State is to employ and pay, for unnecessary and unproductive work, every man who cannot find employment which suits him ready to his hand? So much is clear, the money must come out pockets of the energetic and self-reliant. The disturbance of the Legitimate labor market is another very serious consideration. In regard, however, to the specific statements made as to the docking of a d*y'o wages on the Otago Central, so that the average has not exceeded three days and a-half a week, the falsehood can be demonstrated by the records of the Public Works Department, which shovv'that the average has been five days and a-half—a trifling differeace J The idea of having the City Corporation employes muzzled when at work „ ~ has suggested itself to some What Next. | iberal m inded citizens who object to " the amount of noise and hilarity displayed by the men employed to clean and repair the streets during the night!" It is very creditable to be jolly under such circumstances j and, if they do "talk, whistle," and occasionally "dance," listeners jvho are snug in bed should be rather delighted than chagrined thereat, since "it is a poor heart that never rejoices." The City Council have _ been appealed to even to stop the " speaking to the horse," which irritates the nerves of one •aooiplainant. It is expected that the Works Committee will turn o«t at all hours and lecture the road-men on toe beauties of isilenee, or that a ukase should be iaanad ■ordering the horse only to be spoken to in * whisper, and not to venture himself to ueigh before 5 a.m.! The vagaries of some of the great unpaid in the City have been very cufcerJuntlces' tainiag of late; but the cake .Justice, must certainly be passed to those gentlemen who occupied the Bench at Tapanui on a recent occasion. The story that is told by our Clutha contemporary id, that three men were charged before them with stealing a mate's pocket-book, together with a sum of money. The money was found in the possession of the accused and a clear case made out against them, b»t notwithstanding this the Bench dismissed them with a caution, and added that the prisoners must give back the money. Everybody was amazed, and none more so than the prisoners themselves, for they were quite prepared for a /sentence of three mouths at the very least i Iff the Educational Franohise Bill, wkfcl) was passed by the House this Cdacatleiutl week, the term " householder" Beform. has been mora clearly defined, and it is now hoped that those abuses which have existed m the past in connection with School Committee elections will cease. " Householder * is now defined -to mean "every male or female person who Uthe resident, owner, lessee, or tenant of <any dwelling-house within the school district, or the parent, or guardian, or person
responsible for the maintenance of any child attending any school within such district." Maj or Steward, who informs us that he has every hope of getting the Bill passed through the Council, says that an effort will be made thero to have the clause re-cast in the following language :—" Every male and female person who, being the owner, lessee, or tenant, resides in any dwelling-house within the school district, or who is the parent, or guardian, or theperson responsible for the maintenance of any child attending anv State school within such district."
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Bibliographic details
Evening Star, Issue 7628, 2 June 1888, Page 1
Word Count
2,755NOTES. Evening Star, Issue 7628, 2 June 1888, Page 1
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