NOTES.

Evening Star, Issue 7247, 25 June 1887, Page 2

NOTES.

So much has been spoken and written about the Jubilee that the subject is Tlie Lmsou becoming just a trifle wearisome. Jubilee. Nevertheless, there is one thing more to be said of it. There have been Royal jubilees heretofore, though not to many of our monarchs has it been given to reign half a century. But such a world-wide Jubilee as this has never before happened in history, The cheers of a loyal people have been wafted from shore to shore, around the entire compass of the earth, during twenty-four hours of continuous daylight. There is a lesson to be learned from this. Much of the enthusiastic loyalty displayed is no doubt due to Her Majesty’s sex; much also to the absolute purity and perfect blamelessness of her life, passed Id that fierce blaze that beats upon a throne And blackens every blot, But over all and beyond all, weight must be given to the Queen’s abstinence from political affairs. There have been crises in her reign when the interference of a med-. dling monarch would have caused disaster, if even it had not precipitated revolution. But Queen Victoria has judiciously left the management of public affairs to her Ministers, showing favor to no party and impartiality to all. llerejn is the excellence of the British Constitution. The Sovereign is the head of the Executive; but Ministers rule with the consent of Parliament, which is dependent on the will of the people. This is the true model of a republic with a constitutional head, as far remote from Muscovite despotism as it is from the ceaseless turmoil of the American States. Britain is, in fact, a Republic governed by the Imperial Parliament, surrounded and buttressed by clusters of smaller republics, called “colonies,” but all alike loyal to the Queen, who is the living symbol of the united Empire. Using the names of “Kingdom” or “ Empire ” does not alter the facts. Wherever our people are, whether at Home or abroad, they are fpee to govern them, selves as they please. The American Congress can make laws affecting the several States of which the Union is composed ; hut we in the colonies possess a greater degree of liberty, for the Imperial Parliament has no power to make laws affepting us. Is it any wonder, then, that a people so entirely free should joyfully gather under the shadow of the flag that belongs to them all, and render loyal homage to the Sovereign whp is the representative of their freedom ?

It may be said that there is one dark spot in the bright picture presented Home Rule, to the mind by the Jubilee demonstrations. Ireland claims the same degree of local autonomy as is possessed by the colonies, and as yet this is denied lier. Into the merits of this controversy we do not propose to enter. But it may be permitted to iis to declare our belief that British statesmen will find a means of granting self-government to the Irish people without impairing the unity of the Empire. The greatest impediment tothesolutionof this great problem has been created by the unconstitutional proceedings of the rank and file of Home Rulers. Unfortunately for Ireland, the Tory Government, following its traditional policy, refuses to concede further until compelled by popular indignation. Then it yields more than was demanded. Despite present appearances, there is ample room for faith in the future of Ireland. None better than the Tories know that it is wise to be gracious after victory.

There has been another newspaper libe]

ficfi 0 !} tbjs week. The alleged Tlio I, aw of libel was fiecicjed by the Judge Tilbol: to be fair comment, apq the

plaiptjff was ordered to pay posts ; but inasmuch as he is ft bankrupt, it does not plearly appear how costs are to be recovered. It is quite t)me thqt the law of libel were amended. At present it presents this startling anomaly i that a scoundrel may stand on a platform and utter the most scandalous libels against any man or woman, and the law provides no means whereby he shall be punished, either criminally or by civil action. But if a newspaper publishes his utterances, it is forthwith liable both civilly and criminally. In other words, snake" libel « punishable, nut written or printed libel is actionable. What is wanted is, in the first place, to make the speaking libeller subject to the lash of the law ; and secondly, to protect the unsuspecting journalistagaiflstbqgus actiops brought by men of straw, A Bill has recently been introduced into the British Parliament which will affect the latter case very materially. It provides that any journalist, defendant in ah action for libel, may apply to a Judge in Chambers to order the action to be stayed on the ground of its trifling nature, or because the plaintiff lias not sustained substantial injury, or upon other grounds; and, if he can prove either 'of them to the satisfaction of the Judge, the action is to be stayed, or ' the Judge may order the plaintiff to give security for the defendants costs' before he be allowed to proceed; By another provision the Judge is obliged to order security for a defendant’s costs wherever a plaintiff is without means. These provisions,” writes the ‘Ball Mall Gazette, ‘ twill at to actions by men of straw, who have so much to win and nothing to lose under the present system; and it will prevent the recurrence of a great hardship upon newspaper men, who have so often been put to great trouble and expense to defend themselves against frivolous and unfounded charges, brought by persons who are unable to pay the costs if defeated.”

Mr Baixanoe has declared that the issue before the country is “Freetrade oi’ Protection." AstothemeanMean?” ing of the term “Freetrade,” there can be no mistake. Everybody knows that it means liberty to buy what you want where you can get it best and cheapest, and to sell goods or labor wherever you can get the best price for it, without any body or any Government interfering to prevent you. That should be everybody’s right in a free country. But what does “ Protection ” mean 2 Perhaps no word in tjie English language is used in so many and such tfiflerent senses as it. In that ingenious piece of sophistry, Sir Julius Vogel’s speech to the “ Protection League,” in Novembep last, this marvellous word was shown to be applicable to a variety of different phases of social life. No wonder confusion of thought' characterises the arguments of Rroteotiohlsts when they denote so many different ideas by the same word. Sir Julius affirmed that the Press is protected because newspapers are supplied with telegrams at a lower rate than private messages are charged. He did not say that it was no profit to the newspapers, but an enormously heavy charge to which they are subjected, not for theirown profit but for public information. Then he affirmed “ education” to be protection ; roads, which are for general use, were also pronounced “ protection” ; likewise “railways, courts of justice, law and physic.” The simple fact that professional men are authorised to practise only after due examination for public protection was attempted to be shown to be a monopoly. Then came the confusion of thought, If these ape protectee], why should pot manufacturers be protected also? Common sense would reply i They are as much protected now as any profession or merchants or tradesmen. The roads and railroads and telegraph and post offices are all at their command on tho same terms as others, and they are free to invest their money and apply their labor, mental or bodily, as seems best in their view. They have all the protection that is accorded to every other citizen. Jt follows, therefore, that manufacturers, ipaalqng something mors, want to become a privileged class —they want monopoly—they want to compel their fellow-colonists to buy t(je goods they make, and to give a higher ppioe than they could buy them of other people. And they seek to" obtain this end by means of tho Custom-house. Now, the Custom-house is one of the several taxing departments avowedly for the general' good, We know it is made the lever fqr overtaxing the least wealthy | but Protectionists ask to be legally authorised to make imports so dear that Custom-houses will be of no use, except to prevent smuggling. When this takes plaoe the manufacturers will have the satisfaction of carrying on their business by appropriating that part of the earnings of every consumer that is above what their goods are worth at the worlds price. What sort of Protection is this? Qur name for such wrongful appropriation is “legalised Jobbery J’ '