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Audi Alteram Partem.

The Rev. H. Vere White, M.A., formerly of Canterbury, but now Rector of Almoritia, Mullingar, Ireland, sends the following interesting letter to the ‘ Press ’: — Sip,—Some months ago you published a letter from me on the Irish question. You will, perhaps, now be willing to publish an account of two meetings held in Dublin last night. From this account our New Zealand fellow citizens will be able to see what are the hopes and fears of the “ two nations ” who call Ireland home.

On last evening Lord Mayor Sullivan, M.P., gave his inaugural banquet. Mr Sullivan is most popular with all classes, as is known to be an honest, straightforward man. Though belonging to the extreme section of Parnellites, he showed himself during his last year’s term of office a fair Chief Magistrate. I mention this, both because it is a pleasure to speak well of such an opponent and because his action last evening is more significant coming from one who quite understands the duty and need of sometimes forgetting politics, I should also add that Mr Sullivan was reelected Lord Mayor without opposition, and was welcomed courteously by the loyalist minority of the Corporation, and that numbers of loyalists, ignorant of what was to happen, were present at the banquet. The first toast on the list was “Our Native Land.” A very proper sentiment, but hitherto we have been used to think of our native land in connection with its Sovereign. The omission of the Queen’s name does not, however, prove disloyalty in the Lord Mayor himself: it was, perhaps, due to respect, for, knowing the true feelings of the majority of his company, he doubtless feared that by that majority the toast would have been received with shouts of dissent. Doubtless for the same reason “God .Save the Queen” was not found in the city musical programme, though one feels it would not have been out of place at the chief official banquet given during the Jubilee year in the second city of the Empire. The next toast was “ Mr Gladstone and the British friends of Home Rule,” coupled with the name of Mr Labouchere, who was the chief guest of the evening. Haring paid a high tribute of praise to the exPremier, the Lord Mayor added that to Mr Labouchere’s exertions was due the success of Home Rule principles in England. Mr Labouchere, in responding, said that a majority of the British race all over the world favored Home Rule, Home Rulers were the true Unionists, for the Government and the people must be one, But for the London constituencies, Home Rule would have been adopted by England, as it had been by Scotland and Ireland. The present Government were tottering, having lost their ablest man in Lord R. Churchill, and their most responsible man in Lord Iddesleigh. Lord Hartington would not join them, but bad sent to their aid his tnan-of-all-work, Mr Ooschen. But Mr Goschen had no claim to title Liberal. As for Mr Chamberlain, they would “receive the repentant sinner,” but he must be really repentant, and return to Mr Gladstone’s party oh Mr Gladstone’s terras. The principle of any Home Rule measure must be a domestic legislature for Ireland, supreme in Irish matters, not a mere enlarged Local Government Board with an executive dependept on the Irish Parliament. As fpr the “ plap of campaign,” of which so

much was said, he thoroughly approved of it. If it was technically illegal it was morally right. The “plan” was directed against starvation and eviction. Mr Dillon’s name was a household word in England for the purest patriotism and tho noblest honesty. This was the first time that the, democracies of England and Ireland wore united, and their voice would be so powerful that the fortress of prejudice would full like the walls of Jericho. Mr Conybeare, M.P., also spoke. He said that the people of England were determined to imitate the Irish, and work out their own salvation in the matter of land tenure. If the “plan of campaign” were illegal, why were not he and MrLabouchere prosecuted, for they had gone over England supporting it ? The English people would have voted for Home Rule in the summer if they known the atrocities—he might almost say Bulgarian atrocities—committed on the Irish by the representatives of law and order. In proposing the toast of “The Lord Mayor and Lady Mayoress,” Mr Labouchere congratulated the citizens of Dublin on being, unlike those of London, a constituency wide enough to secure the election of a popular man, one who (Mr Labouchere here seems to have lost his sense of humor) “ would not allow political animosities to enter into his intercourse between man and man.” The other great gathering held tho same evening was the annual meeting of the Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union. It was presided over by tho Duke of Abercorn. Crowds were turned away from the doors, large as was the room. Regret was felt that the largest room .in the city had not been secured. In his opening address the Duke reminded his hearers that the Union was composed of men of all classes, creeds, and political views, who were disposed to resist the separation of Ireland from the English Crown. During the year, JOO meetings have been held in Great Britain and Ireland under the auspices of the Union. The expense of these meetings was L 3,537. A Press Bureau had also been established by the Union, and at a cost of over LG,500. No fewer than 11,000,000 leaflets, 520,000 pamphlets, and 100,000 wall-posters and maps had been distributed. While the prospects of the Unionists are bright, yet they must not relax their efforts. Loyalists in Ireland did not care for Mr Gladstone’s assumption that Horae Rule would make the country loyal and content. They know that the real aim of tho Parnellitcs is separation from England. So far from Ireland being down-trodden, no country in the world is more free, except their individual liberty is destroyed by the National League. In conclusion, the JJuko said that without tho aid of tho Liberal. Unionists the cause of the Loyalists would have been lost. Sir Thomas Bullcr presented tho report. Ho claimed that tho Union assisted in winning thirty-six scats. The great gathering at the London Opera House in April last, when Lords Salisbury and Harrington appeared on tho same platform, was organised by it. More than twenty meetings have been arranged for this month, January, ami also a tour in Scotland. The Provost of Trinity College (Dr Jellett) agreed with the chairman that the prospects of loyalists were brighter than they were a year ago. The English people were beginning to see clearly that Home Rule was not a finality—it was the “lunch” which was to precede the “dinner ” of total separation. It was becoming also more clear that in this controversy the very foundation of civilised society is attacked—the sacredness of contract. The pressing danger is the danger of ignorance on the part of the English of the true facts of the case—ignorance which might lead them to wish to get rid of Ireland at any cost, But it cannot be got rid of, and tho English people would never look on with folded arms upon the oppression of their fellow-citizens in Ireland. Dr Jellett paid a long and eloquent tribute to tho Liberal Unionists, who had made such sacrifices for the common cause, and said that tho Government would be unworthy of such support if they faltered in tho great work before them of maintaining the Union. Colonel Saunderson, M.P., then spoke, and said that the difficulties of the Loyalists wore two—“ the well-known ignorance of the British public with regard to Ireland, and the fact that they were confronted with Mr Gladstone and his followers ’ But they were enlightening the one, and they had upset the other. In criticising the present Government the speaker aaid that they had not been prompt enough in putting down the “ plan of campaign ” when it had been declared illegal, Mr Smith Barry, M.P., in proposing a resolution, spoke of tha difficulty of reaching the English agricultural laborers, but expressed his conviction that at next election there will be a larger majority than at the last against handing this country over to the National League. He said that the Union had resolved to start a paper devoted entirely to Irish matters, the first number of which will appear in February. There is still hard work to be gone through, and “having taken oft' our coats we must keep them off till the work is done.” Mr T. W. Russell, Radical M.P., addressed the meeting. He said that Mr O’Brien had put tho question fairly when he asked, during the great debate in the House, “ The question is whether you trust and believe us?” To that question Irish loyalists gave a prompt and decided negative. He did not own any land. The rent was fixed by a Court, not by the landlord, and now tho tenant claimed the right of himself fixing the rent. That was the plan of campaign. Outside of Bedlam never was such a proposal made. The plan was distinctly immoral, and he was not willing to trust himself to those who favored it. The minority in Ireland declined to trust their property to men who intimidated jurors, who declared that under such circumstances “ cattle will not prosper,” whose highest idea of government was revenge upon their adversaries. The fight was only beginning. In responding to a vote of thanks, the Duke of Abercorn repeated the last five words spoken by Mr Russell, and said that they should keep in mind that the fight really was only beginning, and that it could be won by manly exertion and selfsacrifice. Your readers have in the ftbove f not of course full, but I believe quite fair, accounts of these two representative meetings. No point of real consequence in any speech has been omicted.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ESD18870411.2.35

Bibliographic details

Evening Star, Issue 7183, 11 April 1887, Page 4

Word Count
1,671

Audi Alteram Partem. Evening Star, Issue 7183, 11 April 1887, Page 4

Audi Alteram Partem. Evening Star, Issue 7183, 11 April 1887, Page 4