DUCE'S DOWNFALL

Evening Post, Volume CXXXIX, Issue 123, 26 May 1945, Page 11

DUCE'S DOWNFALL

THE KING ACTS

In^ the final • dramatic chapter of his story, as told to. the "Daily Express,'s Count Grandi gives a word-by-word picture of the Qrand Council meeting that, though under the menace of fixed bayonets, voted to depose Mussolini; Though Myssolini was subsequently rescued by Nazi parachutists, the aption Of those who sought his downfall was so swift that Fascist Militia resistance was averted. ■ ' - [Scene: The Palazzo Venezia, July 24i 1943. The last Grand Council has begun, Mussolini, backed by a battalion of armed Fascist, militia, is master of the meeting. Farinacci has just accused the Italian generals of treason.] This seemed to be my moment. I intervened. First, to embolden the weaker spirits I said that I would repeat what t had said to Mussolini when I saw him privately 48 hours before. My calculation was that it would hearten them to know that' a man could say such things to Mussolini and, two days later, be still alive. I then read the text of my resolution —to most members it was new— claiming back the powers of the Grand Council and the Constitution. With Mussolini sitting there dark and menacing on his throne, I told the council that it was the dictatorship and not the army's weakness which was responsible for Italy's disasters. I continued: "The Italian people were betrayed by Mussolini on the day when he first began to Germanise Italy. That is the man who drove us into Hitler's arms. He abandoned the paths of fidelity to our obligations and loyal co-operation with our old friend Britain. He dragged us into a war that is against the honour, interests, and feelings of the Italian people." By this time Mussolini looked not angry, but astonished, and—more than astonished—flabbergasted. And apart from the few I was sure of, most of the council looked as if they could, not trust their ears. That after all these years someone should dare to stand up against him and to say such things aloud and to his face! I quoted Mussolini against himself. Arguing that our only hope was to abolish the totalitarian regime, return to the Constitution, and restore fully the rights of Parliament and the prerogatives of the Crown, I reminded the council of his words in far-off 1924: "Let all parties perish, even the Fascist Party, so long as the nation can be saved!" For nearly an hour now Mussolini had been listening in stunned silence. He began to interrupt. When I mentioned Cavour [Count Camillo Benso Cavour (1810-1861) inspired war of freedom against Austria and worked to build a united Italy free from foreign influence.] his face flushed and he shouted: "That's enough about Cavour —he never knew the real Italy anyhow. He never went to Rome." And I£? nr\. tjme to time he would break in: "That's not true!" GOAD OF WORDS. ,He was losing his temper. I goaded him with words he never thought to hear from anyone. believe you have the devotion of the people—you lost it the day you tied Italy to Germany. You believe yourself a soldier—let me tell you Italy I was lost the very day you put the gold braid of a marshal on your cap" .Mussolini shouted: "It's not true! I was asked to take over the army. And tile people—the people are with me. At leltre last week - the • war widows thronged forward to kiss my hands." Lsaid: "In the last war 600,000 Italian mothers wept for the loss of their sons, but they knew they had died for their king and country. In this war already we have 100,000 dead, and we have 100,000 mothers who cry, 'Mussolini has assassinated my son!'" Mussolini shouted at the top of his voice: It's not true. It's not true. That man is lying to you!" Farinacci sprang to Mussolini's defence. In the high-flown jargon of the professional party Fascist he defended the dictatorship, accused us, as "democrats, #of sabotaging the war, and came out with a resolution to implement the We, , decision that the Germans should take over the Italian High Command. Federzoni, facing me across the table, spoke for my resolution, then Bottai, Basuanini, and others, even Ciano Cianos theme was German treachery' Mussolini looked straight at his son-in-jaw. I know where the traitor is" he said. It. was hot. The atmosphere was becoming unbearably tense. Midnight passed and still the fight went on. TO WIN TIME. Suddenly, at one o'clock, Mussolini proposed adjourning until next day. He wanted to win time and to let the passion of the meeting ebb away I protested instantly. I said: "Our soldiers are dying while we talk Our country's fate depends on us. We must decide tonight. We must stay and vote. Mussolini hesitated. He looked sharply round the table. I knew he felt that an adjournment after my protest might look like running away. His pride would not have that. After all he felt sure of the bulk of the council. He said: "Have it your way," and then we had half an hour's pause. [Mussolini left the room for his study, which adjoined, and took Scorza with him. The Grand Council split into anxious groups. Grandi took Suardo, President of the Senate, aside to make sure of his vote. All were doubtful whether Mussolini would return. They feared that the Fascist Militia might stream in with weapons in their hands. Only Mussolini's wellknown preference for legalised killing gave them hope.] The door opened and Mussolini came back, Scorza behind him. Up to this point he had been his old. haughty self Now he spoke slowly, dully, dropping at times into pathos. "I have let you speak your minds tonight," he said. "I could have stopped you and had the lot arrested." He went on with sorrow and reproach: "It seems there are people here who would like to be rid of me." He was candid. He accepted full responsibility for the war. He said it was a 'supreme necessity" for Italy. He exalted his work as the nation's leader (or 20 years, and then he did a thing he had never done in the whole of his i dictatorship—he confessed his age. "I am 60. After all, I could look on these 20 years as a wonderful adventure that is now over. I might even, in such circumstances, contemplate ending that adventure—but I will not go! The king, as well as the people, is on my side." The bluff was diabolical. Mussolini claimed the king's support, knowing well that I would not compromise the monarchy. He pressed his advantage: When I tell the king about this meeting tomorrow he will say: 'Some of your men have left you, but I the king, will be with you.'" I saw the assembly was wavering. Mussolini saw it, too. He said- "I never had a friend, but the king is with me.. I wonder what will happen tomorrow to those who have opposed me tonight?" The question hung unanswered in the air. Mussolini's face was drawn up into an odd smile as he looked down the ranks of the Grand Council. ( He felt he had got these men under nis spell again—reclaimed the waverers and cowed some of those who had ventured into the attack. His eyes were serene and triumphant, the eyes of the master. And I felt then that we had lost. ICY FEAR. . Scorza rose from his chair, directly on Mussolini's left. Though he had promised to be one of us at the start his first words told me that he had changed his mind, if ever he had meant what he said. He pulled out of his pocket a new resolution. Plainly he and Mussolini had been going over it in the adjournment. Speaking as secretary to the Fascist Party he asked us to affirm there and then through this resolution our unbounded faith in the Duce and the complete subjection of party and nation to the dictator's will. An icy fear fell on the assembly. The faces of my. friends seemed grey

VOTE AT BAYONET POINT

The End

and hopeless, and then Suardo —whose promise to vote for us I had spent half an hour's hard persuasion on getting during the adjournment—rose shakily and withdrew his assent to my resolution. Ciano suggested an absurd compromise: "Let Grandi's and Scorza's motions be withdrawn —then a committee of the council can draft a new resolution acceptable to the Duce." Suardo hurriedly agreed, and was backed by Cianetti, the Minister for Corporations. I jumped up at once. I refused to withdraw the resolution. I said that every line should stand. Federzoni and Bottai spoke for me. Speeches grew in violence. Galbiati, the militia commander, threatened to call in his I armed Fascists from outside. Tringali, President of the Special Political Tribunal, shouted across the table: "You shall pay with your heads for this treason!" There was not a man in the room who did not know that the decision now was a matter of his own life or death. Suddenly, after three o'clock, Mussolini announced that we should vote on my resolution. His instinct, that "animal instinct" he used to boast of, must have told him he had won/Grand Council seniority ruled that Marshal de Bono should vote first, then de Vecchi, two votes which would probably have been for me. But now Scorza tried to play a psychological trump for Mussolini. He read out my resolution to the council and at once shouted: "I vote against!" then called on Suardo, who abstained. De Bono and I said "Yes," trying to put as much confidence as possible into our voices. Someone else followed, and then another and another, and a few more, until suddenly:—it dawned on me that the incredible had happened. We had won. I looked at Mussolini. Scorza handed him. a paper and slowly, laboriously he read out the result, as if he were out of breath. "Nineteen—for. Seven —against. One —Suardo—abstaining." He half rose on his throne and stared at us, each in turn. Then he got up heavily, and as he reached the corner of the table on his way out Scorza's mouth opened to give the habitual "Salute the Duce." But the words did not come. [With this, the first and last vote given in the Grand Council, sentence had been passed on Fascist dictatorship—but the sentence had yet to be executed. Swift action was called for to ensure that Mussolini should not recover from a defeat which, after all, had been inflicted only in the council room.] We wondered whether we should be arrested on leaving the Palazzo Venezia, but Mussolini must have been numbed by the shock of his defeat. The guards had not been called on. They were drowsy with their long vigil, and we picked our way through soldiers fast asleep on the grand staircase. Early dawn was breaking. The great square which had echoed so many of Mussolini's triumphs was deserted. Rome was asleep. Italy was unconscious that anything had happened. We had to get the King to act. He had yet to hear the outcome of the meeting,- and, although the Grand Council had deposed him, Mussolini was stiU master of the army, the State, and the party, and he had Germany behind him. "TELL THE KING." So immediately, at 4 a.m., I met the Duke of Acquarone, Minister of the Royal Household. I told him what had happened and gave him a copy of my resolution, signed by all of us who had voted for it. "I beg you to go at once to the king." I said, "and tell him everything. We have put into his hands the Constitutional means for action as Head of the State. There is not a moment to lose. We must forestall immediately a coup d'etat by Hitler and the Germans." * The duke asked me who I thought should succeed Mussolini as Premier. I replied that only a military leader and one who had not compromised himself in the past with , Fascism should undertake the task. The Grand Council was therefore excluded, and also every man who had been in Mussolini's Government in the past. I further advised that the king should at once abolish the Grand Council and the whole totalitarian regime. He should restore the Chamber of Deputies, embody the Fascist Militia in the regular army, and suppress political tribunals and racial laws. "You must finish the dictatorship at once," I said. "The army must be reorganised to fight the Germans. We must have peace with the Allies. Every hour of delay will bring the Germans nearer." "What about yourself?" Acquarone asked. I said: "My duty is done. I have completed the task I set myself, and I consider it as the last act of my political life. "But one thing remains. Mussolini's downfall must be synchronised with an armistice. Let me go to Madrid at once to approach the Allies and pave the way for further official contacts which will bring peace." Acquarone left to see the king. It was 6 a.m. on July 25. At my office in Parliament the hours crept by. At 9 a.m." I was warned that squads of pro-German Fascists had sworn to make an end of the 19 members of the Grand Council who had voted against Mussolini, and that Fascist militia divisions encamped near Rome were about to march. At noon Mussolini sent for me. I let the king know. He sent word to me not to go. Then I knew that the king had decided against Mussolini, and 20 minutes later I was told he had sent for Badoglio to be Premier. Mussolini seems to have been completely confounded by events. Ashamed to appeal to Hitler, still positive he could get the situation somehow under control, he. frittered away the precious hours .with jurists—trying to pick holes m my resolution. At 5 p.m. he arrived at the royal palace, resolution in hand, to prove to the king that it was unconstitutional. Victor Emmanuel refused to listen. He told him he was no longer his Prime Minister. To his utter astonishment Mussolini was arrested as he left the palace. The commander of the Fascist Militia, the party executive, and the most dangerous pro-Nazis were swept into the prisons before nightfall.

At 10.45 p.m. the world heard that Mussolini was no more, and with his fall there collapsed the entire structure of Fascist dictatorship and of the totalitarian regime.