Evening Post.

Evening Post, Volume CXXXVI, Issue 63, 11 September 1943, Page 6

Evening Post.

SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1943,

A NEW MEASURE WITH AN OLD RULE

A fortnight or so ago the Campaign for Christian Order distributed its manifesto or election message. The

several political parties and numerous candidates have since set forth their plans and views. It would be profitable at this stage for householders who received the first manifesto to turn and reread it, and then keep it at the back of their minds—but not too far 'back—for the rest of the campaign. They would find, we believe, that it would not only influence their voting upon election day, but also their attitude through the campaign, whether as election campaigners, or campaigned for, and even their judgment of the election result. It has been issued with this immense advantage—that its authors have nothing to gain or lose (materially); they can neither win nor be defeated personally, and therefore, though intensely interested in the election, they are really disinterested. The effect of this is seen in the fact that, j honestly studied, the manifesto differs 'from most other election documents in that it demands more than it offers— materially. The elector is not given promises, but is asked himself to give. The message, indeed, is a new measure for measuring political aims and objectives, and yet it uses a very old rule: the old Christian rule of service and unselfishness, of giving, though in that giving there is the.promise of getting all that is worth while. The manifesto sets forth this principle simply at the outset: "The question to apply to any political proposal is not, 'How will this benefit me?' but 'Does it make for the greatest good of all?'" To avoid confusion it might have been well to add that "all" is not necessarily interchangeable with "the greatest number,1' especially if the voter has first made sure that he himself is included in the greatest number. For then the professed unselfishness is little distinguishable from self-interest.

A little uneasiness was expressed by some earnest Christian people, before the manifesto appeared, lest it should embroil the churches in party politics. That danger has, we think, been avoided by adherence to principles, and leaving the practical measures to be worked out, as they must be, by men who are guided by the principles, and also equipped with practical knowledge and experience. Of course, it is still possible for a party to claim the manifesto as an * endorsement of its policy, but it would be wiser not to dp so, and thus avoid the condemnation pronounced on the self-righteous Pharisee. Yet the manifesto, by its lucid and orderly statement of principles, is practically useful because it clears the way for an approach to practical problems. It should help also "in creating an atmosphere of honest toleration and charity for the solution of those problems. The method of presentation is especially helpful, since, by its separate and yet linked discussion of the several aspects of life, it shows that there is no single and simple solution for everything. The individual, the family, and the State in its various forms have all their part to play,, and it must be played in all spheres-^-private, family, and corporate life, business, politics, education, and recreation.

There are, of course, points on which many people will differ from the manifesto. Some will think it should have tackled the practical issues more boldly. We do not think so, for lack of expert knowledge might easily have landed it in difficulties. Even as it is, on some issues it has spoken too confidently. For instance, on the liquor question it has assumed that because the drink bill is £10,000,000 cessation of the traffic would enable that sum to be used for education or housing. Apart from the question of whether, being debarred from drinking, people would always spend the money saved in the best way, the statement is wrong mathematically. That very large part of the drink bill that is State taxation is now applied to useful national purposes. Again, the manifesto says easily: "If we can ration food and clothing we can ration drink. Further, we can eliminate the major motive for the encouragement of drunkenness—which is profit-making" —two highly - debatable propositions, especially the profit-making one, for many people question State control and doubt whether it would eliminate profit or only transfer it.- For ourselves we would have liked to see motive stressed more, and also the value, of such virtues as industry and thrift—for many people in condemning "acquisitiveness" forget that it is often, indeed mainly, inspired and purified by prudent and self-denying thought for others. Also the manifesto appears by implication to accept the common and inaccurate conception of profit as not including wages. Actually, 'When the moral issues of equity and 'service are considered, wages must be considered equally with the rewards accruing to production or trade.

These, however, are questions of detail that can be worked out in the light of the principles that are clearly set out. It is the spiritual basis, with the principles derived from it, that must always be emphasised. Even the Archbishop of Canterbury, who cannot be charged with lack of boldness in grappling with practical problems, makes it clear that the practical Christian order cannot be discovered or achieved easily. It is very difficult, he says, to know what a "perfect social order" means. "Is it the order that would work best if we were all perfect? Or is it the order that would work best in a world of men and women such as we actually are? If it is the former, it certainly ought not to be established. We should wreck it in a fortnight. If it is the latter, there is no reason for expecting the Church to know what it is." The manifesto declares the importance of Christianity in politics, but also in every other walk of life. It states what may be attempted and achieved by political means, but it does not overemphasise it. Above all, it does not present it as all-sufficient. And it closes with the emphasis where it should be: upon the Christian spirit pervading all life—private, family, communal, work-a-day, and even recreational. "Christian Order needs Christians —men and women devoted to a way of life which is not the easiest but is far and away the healthiest and happiest. Here is something to ask, not your candidate, but yourself: 'Lord, what wilt Thou haye me to do?'"