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END OF RIGHTS?

FOREIGNERS IN CHINA

ATTITUDE OF ASIATICS

The Japanese blockade of Tientsin ordinarily would be regarded by most of the Chinese as a quarrel between two interlopers. In recent years particularly, the foreign "concessions" at various important centres have been resented and resisted by the Chinese, who have demanded their cancellation, says a writer in the Melbourne "Age."

As Japan Is noAv the aggressorinvader, however, and the general question of foreign rights in China stands in abeyance, there will be no question of China's attitude in the dispute between Britain and Japan. Moreover, one of the immediate issues is the fate of four Chinese whose surrender by the British authorities is demanded by Japan. Foreign financial interests in the Far East generally, and in China particularly, are enormous. Large fortunes have been made by virtue, to a very great extent, of the extremely favourable trading privileges which various Chinese Administrations have, during the past 100 years, granted to the foreigners . who desired to operate in their territory. These facilities took many forms, but, as a. foundation for trading, the Chinese would allocate a portion of some city.Avhich became the foreign "concession," and subsequently, such "concessions" have been referred to as "international settlements."

Within those concessions the foreigner is his own master, and is subject to the jurisdiction of his own Government's representative. He did not even have to pay income tax to the Chinese Government, but the Chiang Kai-shek regime is altering that very peculiar position by making all foreigners pay taxes just as all Chinese have to pay them. However, until six months ago, the foreigner was not obliged to pay this tribute. "ANOMALOUS" CONCESSIONS.. Now comes the news that the Japanese are taking a high hand in the matter of privileges which have been enjoyed by the foreigners in the "treaty ports" and in the "concessions." A- treaty port is similar to a concession for all practical purposes. The Japanese have always claimed that any concessions to the white foreigner were anomalous in a self-governing democracy like China, and the Tokio Government has not hesitated to make propaganda capital out of the Slogan, "Asia for the Asiatics." In 1936 the Japanese sent good-will mission^rs to the main trading centres of China to goad the Chinese into action against the so-called "white, master." The Japanese diplomats were not entirely successful, and a few months later the Sino-Japanese undeclared war started. Next to American, British interests are greatest in China, and then comes Japan. In Tsingtao, for instance, which was before the World War a treaty port ceded by China-to Germany, and after the war was ceded by the Ames to Japan, the Japanese had established the greatest textile mills in China. The physical asset was assessed at a little over £20,000,000. When the Japanese were making their big drive i south last year the Chinese appropn- ] ated portion of that asset, and the portion of it that was. not movable they dynamited. . In Tientsin, Peking, Amoy, Swatow, and Canton, notably, the Japanese had invested on an enormous, scale, and, because they are Asiatics and" nei^h-_ hours', they have always insisted that • it is their right to enjoy certain trading privileges without being subjected to competition by the white foreigner. - CHIANG TAKES A HAND. In Shanghai, for instance, the Japanese were able to so impress the other foreigners in this most important concession that the international settlement of China's principal trading metropolis was by 1935 virtually under the control of the Japanese. As but one instance of the Japanese influence in the once free-for-all concession in Shanghai, a Japanese.,was appointed to the very important post oi */ ies ls censor, which post carried with it power to censor not only what was submitted for publication in Shanghai, but also what correspondents hoped to j send to their papers and services out- j side China. ■• -. . i Naturally, things -were not shaping! according to the desires .of other: foreign interests in China, and they i were showing signs of resentment at; the Japanese attitude when the Chinese, themselves took a hand, and a strong hand at that, for it Avas the hand of Chiang himself. «. • „ ■ As far back as 1926, Avhen . Chiang Kai-shek became generalissimo for the first time, he gave a pledge to his followers that he would not relax his efforts to rid China of foreign exploiters and make China, m fact, a self-governing and sovereign State. This cry was "China for the Chinese. There are 470,000,000 of them In Chiang's manifesto, which he nas never altered, there is a Pronouncement on the concession ««efW^J£. ally The leader points out that sucn concesSoL were made at tto«wto China was not being ' P^ly Seemed, and when the writ of the Gov-, ernment did not run in many areas, so that trading Avas hampered, and Signers balked at the enormous risks g they had to take to do any-bug ness at all. So far, so good, admitted Chiang, but with the establishment of S ounS gkdministration, with the proper policing of the whole country, with the stabilising of the currency and the suppression of piracy, surely, the^ time had come when China could be relied upon to take good, care of everyone within her territory, and. this she guaianteed to do by international agreement. FOREIGNER UNIMPRESSED. The foreigner, however, were not impressed, though the British attitude was undoubtedly the most reasonable Briefly, it "was: Yes, China, we admit your claims for complete sovereignty in your own territory, and-we are willing to come under your jurisdiction in mosf things. But we cannot submit to your judicial system, which, as yet, is not. in- codified form, nor is your punsprudence defined. Put ■ your judiciary in order and we will then submit to you in every particular. To that, Chiang Kai-shek offered no objection, but he was , careful to reiterate time and again that the day of the "concessions", had closed, and n could never dawn -again -in that form, althoughhe did indicate that reciprocal trade treaties might, be so arranged as to make the abrogation of the concession privilege not such a very great hardship. .'■■'. + +^ 0/ q 0 n n Thus, with Japan trying to trade on the policy of "Asia for^the -AsiaUcs, Chiang Kai-shek came back strongly with the much more popular policy "China for the Chinese." Some of his followers have gone further than that, for they have declaied that the moment the Sino-Japanese conflict is over they will sweep away every concession they granted. In this they are supported by Russia. Under the Tsar, Russia had extensive interests in China, but after the revolution the Soviet gave up every concession, maintaining that they wanted the Chinese to be supreme in their own land. .With the development by Chiang of

a strong national sentiment, the general antagonism to special privileges for foreigners has increased, or, rather, it had increased up to the outbreak of the present war. ' Simply and shortly, the position can fairly be stated thus —concessions, like the "white master," are out of date in that great. Asiatic country, and whatever Japan may do today for her own advancement on Chinese soil will be undone tomorrow. It may be a very distant tomorrow, but the Chinese, with a cultural background of 5000 years, do not measure time as Westerners do.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19390803.2.106

Bibliographic details

Evening Post, Volume CXXVIII, Issue 29, 3 August 1939, Page 11

Word Count
1,221

END OF RIGHTS? Evening Post, Volume CXXVIII, Issue 29, 3 August 1939, Page 11

END OF RIGHTS? Evening Post, Volume CXXVIII, Issue 29, 3 August 1939, Page 11