Evening Post THURSDAY, MARCH 30, 1939. GROWING TENSION

Evening Post, Volume CXXVII, Issue 75, 30 March 1939, Page 8

Evening Post THURSDAY, MARCH 30, 1939. GROWING TENSION

It cannot be said that today's news brings any signs of improvement in the European situation. As anticipated in yesterday's survey of the position in Spain following the fall of Madrid, the nationalist occupation —it is no longer a conquest —of the rest of republican Spain is proceeding without bloodshed as swiftly as

the advancing ai-mies can move over the terrain. There is no resistance anywhere and the nationalists are entering the different provincial cities triumphantly on their way to Valencia, Cartagena, and the Mediterranean coast, which indeed they have already reached, according to the latest news, at Alicante, a seaport half-way between Valencia and Cartagena. ' There may still be sporadic resistance by guerrilla bands in the mountains, but the civil war, as a war, is over. Naturally there is great jubilation among the nationalists and their friends and allies. General Franco has not yet, at the time of writing, spoken, but General de Llano, sub-dictator of Seville, addressing a mass meeting in that city, is reported today as saying that "General Franco, interpreting the desire of Spaniards, will weld Spain even more closely than ever to Italy and Germany." This, coming on top of the statement of Senor Serrano Suner, Minister of the Interior at Burgos, yesterday that "Spain will not forget the behaviour of the democracies," is not without significance. Signor Mussolini also shares in the jubilation, telegraphing to General' Franco enthusiastic congratulations on behalf of himself and the Italian people on "the new Spain, free, united, and strong, about to rise" and "the indissoluble relations established between our two peoples." Finally there is the message from Gibraltar today stating that "nationalist troops and artillery from the interior are garrisoning districts surrounding Gibraltar," followed by a later message declaring that Gibraltar is preparing

for emergencies. Under these circumstances in Spain and the anxiety in Poland and the other Baltic States about the intentions of Germany in that region, the reply given by Lord Plymouth, on behalf of the Foreign Secretary (Lord Halifax), to a proposal in the House of Lords to establish machinery for the settlement of international disputes was perfectly reasonable. Lord Plymouth said that the British Government was convinced that no problem could not be settled if good will existed, but was not prepared to negotiate under a threat of force and did not see any object in establishing machinery for the settlement of disputes while the world lay under the menace of forcible action. Before the House was a long motion, in the name of Lord Davies, suggesting, inter alia, "the desirability of assuming wider mutual obligations to prevent further aggression ... of establishing a financial, economic, and military commission by cooperating nations to prepare measures for mutual defence and measures for the restoration of Czecho-Slovakian freedom and independence." To this Lord Plymouth replied that the powerful States had discarded the method of friendly negotiations and resorted to direct or indirect force. Surely, he said, it was not remotely possible that they would refer their grievances to impartial adjudication. He added that it was clear that the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia's independence could be effected "only by force of arms," and neither Britain nor other Powers with whom she was consulting "harboured any

such design." Lord Plymouth was chairman of the international Non-intervention Committee, set up in the early stages of the Spanish civil war to prevent outside interference with Spain's domestic dispute. Germany and Italy were members of that Committee, and Lord Plymouth's experience must have shown him the futility of "the method of friendly negotiations" with States that have discarded such method, and also the vanity of trusting to pledges given under such conditions. There seem? to be nothing for Britain to do' except to strengthen and brace herself for possible emergencies. This the Government has realised, and the Prime Minister (Mr. Chamberlain) is reported today as announcing in the House of Commons measures for the increase in Britain's field army. This is to be brought forthwith up to war establishment and the war establishment is to be doubled, making 32 divisions available for service overseas in the place of 19 announced by the War Minister (Mr. Hore-Belisha) three weeks ago. This increase, Mr. Chamberlain said, was the "first result of the re-examination of every aspect pf the national life

necessitated by the new international situation." For the time being voluntary service is to be retained, but the Prime Minister admitted having discussed compulsory national service with the French Foreign Minister (M. Bonnet) on his visit to Britain with the French President (M. Lebrun) last week.

It is thus clear that the attitude of the British Government is stiffening. One sign of the trend towards unity in the nation and Parliament is a motion urging the formation of a National Government qn a wide basis, tabled by a number of Government supporters, including Mr. . Anthony Eden, Mr. Duff-Cooper, Mr. Winston Churchill, Mr. L. C. M. S. Amery, and Admiral Sir Roger Keyes. These urge the "vigorous prosecution of the foreign policy outlined by Lord Halifax." The contention, voiced by Mr. DuffCooper, is that "the sight of all parties rallying under one leader would have a heartening effect throughout the world." The danger of all such moves at the present time is, of course, a possible dislocation of the machinery already set up to meet emergency. Meanwhile, as the centre of the crisis shows signs of shifting to the Mediterranean in the near future, the promised statement by the Premier of France (M. Daladier), eagerly awaited as defining the attitude of France to the new developments, may be expected to have a steadying influence on the

situation.