FOREIGN POLICY

Evening Post, Volume CXXII, Issue 71, 21 September 1936, Page 14

FOREIGN POLICY

JAPAN'S MAIN PROBLEM

HER EXPANSION IN CHINA

STATEMENT OF AIMS

China constitutes far and away the j most important problem of Japanese < foreign relations (writes W. H. Cham- 1 berlin in the "Christian Science Moni- ' tor"). A very high proportion of Japanese newspaper and periodical comment is devoted to China. Recent developments in North China have focused world attention on Japanese expansive ambitions in that part of Asia. This is a collection of Japanese opinions on the vast and complicated issues of Sino-Japanese relations. The first comments, taken from an article contributed to the "Gaiko Jiho," of November 1, by Bunroku Yoshioka, of the "Nichi Nichi," one of Tokio's leading newspapers, recognise and justify, from the standpoint of Japanese self-interest, the existence .of a "dual diplomacy" carried on by the Foreign Office and by the army inregard to China: "Theoretically speaking, one definite and constant China policy on the part of Japan, instead of the present doublebarrelled arrangement, would best serve the interests of both countries. Practically, however, this is difficult to realise, because of peculiar circumstances in Japanese politics. At the same time we cannot believe that a single line of diplomacy represents necessarily the best method of readjusting existing difficulties. A certain amount of dual practice is more likely to achieve better results where the Chinese are concerned than any single line of policy, if one considers the present conditions in China, the peculiar nature of the Nanking Government, and the character of the Chinese. "The Chinese are gifted with a talent in frustrating the intentions of others when they foresee the methods of their opponents. In diplomatic astuteness, the Japanese are no match for the Chinese. Unfortunate as it may be, China is a country which must be handled- from all directions by all tactics if it is to be aroused from the folly of its ways. "KNOWS CHINA BETTER." "No one can deny that the Japanese Foreign Office is entitled to handle foreign affairs and that the army has no right to meddle in relations with China. But, as a matter of fact, the army knows China better than the Foreign Office, and has confidence in the application of its own policy to an unmanageable country that is beyond the control of the Foreign Office. ... "International treaties are no longer an absolute factor in governing relations among nations. And the" conventional ideas of national boundaries and territory are no longer applicable without modification, in the face of the welfare of mankind under changing circumstances. If the peace of the Orient can be secured by the creation of a new political regime in North China, Japan may assist any such new Power and need not be seriously concerned with the disapproval of the world. There is no reason why we should accept the Western idea of world peace as applicable to the peculiar circumstances of the Orient. Japan should be resolute in her policy of establishing peace in that part of the world, unrestrained by any cut-and-dried international treaty relations of bygone days. The following excerpts are from an article by Yiihei Nashigi, in "Kaibo' Jidai." for July, 1935. purporting to explain the objectives of the Kwangtung Army—the Japanese military forces in Manchukuo—in North China:— "Since the conclusion of the Tangku Truce in May, 1933. there has been a sharp but veiled conflict between the basic China policy of the Japanese fighting services and the Machiavellian methods of the Nanking Government "The importance of North China for Manchukuo may also be explained in terms of the Soviet-Manchukuo situation. Even if the Soviet Union does not resort to any action that may be considered aggressive by Japan and Manchukuo there can be no doubt that it will make full preDarations for the security of Siberia. This, in turn, will be a constant menace to the flank of Manchukuo. The best .way- to protect Manchukuo against such a threat is to place a curb on Soviet activities in Outer Mongolia—the base of her Communist operations in the Far East. If the Soviet Union finds it impossible to penetrate the Far East by way of Outer Mongolia.' she will have no alternative except to shift her course to the south or to the-west. If in that event she advances southwards to India this would inevitably, breed Anglo-Soviet friction." IX NORTHERN CHINA. A broad view of Japan's aspirations in North China, with emphasis upon the economic aspects of the' situation, is to be found in an article contributed by Hidezane Ozakiin the August issue of "Chuo Koron." "The term North China is rather vague in regard to the area which it covers. In practice, however, our activities in North China must extend as:far south as the Yangtse River, since North China cannot be developed economically without the inclusion of the Yangtse'Basin. ' Great Britain is busily engaged in developing China south of the Yangtse. She is building up what may be regarded as a British protectorate south of the Yangtse. Of course Japan reserves her claim in that area. But from the practical point of view, for the time being. Great Britain must be allowed to carry on her present undertaking. Great Britain's Far Eastern policy is to connect various ■ southern provinces of China, with Hong Kong, the cradle of her Far Eastern policy, in order to convert China into a British colony. "It is quite likely that North China will remain a buffer State between Nanking and Manchukuo, even if Nanking preserves its right to conduct negotiations with Japan on North China affairs. ... "Japan's economic advance into Suiyuan and Chahar Provinces is equivalent to driving a wedge between 'Red' Outer Mongolia and- the nnrthwestetti advance of Nanking and the Powers which are behind this advance. "Economic considerations constitute the central question of the future development of North China. And the South Manchuria Railway will play a dominant role in this connection. [t is reported that the railway construction in North China will precede the projected exploitation and development of natural resources in that region The construction of railways will naturally facilitate the development of various industries in North China. The South Manchuria Railway has concluded a large-scale investigation of the possibilities of developing various branches of industry in North China. Perfect harmony of opinion between the Kwantung Army and the South Manchuria Railway has been attained. . . . "The South Manchuria Railway plans to develop and reconstruct various North China ports, to exploit coal and iron, and to encourage cottongrowing." THE NINE-POWER PACT. Japanese impatience with the limitations of the Nine-Power Pact and Japanese reasons for favouring autonomy in North China are set forth in the following paragraphs of an cdi- J

lorial entitled "Japan's Attitude To. wards North China," printed in me "Japan Times," November 21, 1935: "The inexorable factor of time keeps | marching on and the question may be asked: How long immense populations I are to be kept suffering, iiow long [neighbouring people are to: be kept ! imperilled, and how long the,hands of I the dock of progress are to be turned, back in order that distant nations with. [ commercial profits "in view may, with, jealous eye, restrain even the helping hand under the plausible profession of maintaining a Chinese integrity which, does not exist. And if such an attitude, however cloaked under the guise of altruism, should seek to obstruct millions of Chinese suffering from maladministration and the tyranny of circumstances which keeps them under the iron heel of militarism, of threat of famine, and of the extortion of taxes to be used.for civil wars, the question may be askei: Wherein lies its essential justice? "Considerations such as these influence, we believe, the attitude of the Japanese public'towards recent developments. Nor cr it be said that any inconsistency exists between the Japan which became party to various international commitments regarding the integrity of China and the. Japan. which today views with sympathy the trend towards autonomy on the part of the five northern prcvinces. Both, are essentially expressions of this nation's deep concern for the welfare of the Chinese people, a well-being without which it is obvious there can, be no permanent peace in the Far East." . • ' INFLUENCES ON CHINA. Some of the factors which are push* ing China towards greater dependence on Japan are outlined in an article by Katsuji Inahara, editor of "Contemporary Japan" in the Japanese ■ publication, "The Economist," of March 1. (While a number of developments have occurred in China sh»ce the date of the publication of, Mr. Inahara's article, Japan undoubtedly still counts on the favourable effect of the factors which he mentions): .; "Many factors account for the new orientation of China's policy in favour of Japan. In the first place, ' the changes that have occurred in the" relations between Japan and the League of Nations must be noted... . . China depended on the League' because she believed it was. quite strong. But, after she found it so weak, it is but natural that the Nanking Government should have been disillusioned. . . . "The second factor is the attitude of the United States. As soon as the Manchurian Incident broke out the United States Government issued a sort of diplomatic sight . draft, the 'Stimson Doctrine.' But this .draft was soon discredited. China has come to look on the United States as on « nation that extends false hopes. • "The third factor is Japan's abrogation of the Washington Naval Treaty. This action of Japan means a claim-to armament equality with both Great Britain and the ' United States, the countries on which China in the past mainly depended to combat Japan. The fact, that Japan i« showing her readiness to engage in a renewed naval race, in 1 the event that her claim is rejected ■by Great Britain and the United 'States. 43 sufficient to open the • eyes of : the Chinese, who have thus ' far underestimated the Japanese, as 'infenoß to Great Britain and to the . United States.' "So it can readily be seen that, because Japan's claim for armament equality means a claim to the position of paramountcy in,the Far Eas*, China has found herself obliged to renew her conception of what Japan