NAVAL POWER

Evening Post, Volume CXVIII, Issue 56, 4 September 1934, Page 14

NAVAL POWER

THE POLICY OF ITALY

A BRITAIN OF SOUTH EUROPE

.MUSSOLINI'S WARNING

"All of Italy is on the sea. Thirty capitals of its provinces are on the sea. Even Koine itself is on the sea. Geography is an unchangeable fact that determines the destinies of people."

In these words Signor Mussolini gives a justification of his action in creating within the space of twelve years an entirely new and powerful navy so that Italy's forces aro today, relatively at least, as powerful as they have ever been in modern times, writes Hector Bywater in the "Daily Telegraph."

Mussolini's policy may bo said to be dominated by a geographical vision of Italy, as tlic Britain of South Europe, surrounded b}' sea on three sides, cut off on the fourth by the highest mountains in Europe, and dependent upon shipping for her supplies. I have just had the privilege of an audience with Signor Mussolini at his office in the Palazzo Venezia. By his wish, the conversation betiveen us was private, but I am nevertheless in a position to give an authoritative resume of his views both on the defensive needs of his own country and the current prospects of disarmament. "The Italian people," says Mussolini, "must be composed of agriculturists and sailors. The sea and the Alps are Italy's natural defences." MARITIME SPIRIT. That is why the building of the fleet, undertaken immediately after the Fascist Revolution, has proceeded side by side with the strengthening of the Alpine frontiers and, be it added, the education of Italy's young manhood to acquit itself with equal facility on land or at sea. No foreign observer can fail to be struck with the intensive cultivation of tlic maritime s|)irit in modern Italy. Turning now to the broader problem of Disarmament, with which —in Italy's opinion, at least —the fate of the Loaguo of Nations is irrevocably bound up, here are Signor Mussolini's views in his own forthright words: "Concerning the League of Nations, the principle of reform has been almost universally accepted. It is clear that the proposed reform should be undertaken after the conclusion of the Disarmament Conference —because, if the Conference fails, the reform of the League of Nations will no longer be necessary, and it will be enough to record its decease. "That the Disarmament Conference will fail, at least as regards its important objectives, is generally accepted (this is, in fact, the only kind of peaceful agreement reached!), and the States that are now armed will not disarm, while those that are not armed will be able to arm themselves more or less for defensive purposes." What does Italy aim at in respect of her naval forces? Security is, of course, the first goal, and that connotes the freedom of her maritime traffic through the five "bottle-necks" of the Mediterranean: Gibraltar, the Suez Canal, The Narrows, the "Canal" of Malta, and Bab-el-Mandeb. Each one of these waterways is flanked at short range by the naval and air bases of other Powers, and could, therefore, easily, be dominated or interrupted. ? " SUPPLIES BY SEA. In' no circumsfances could Italy obtain all her necessary supplies from across her land frontiers. Of her 29,000,000 tons of imports a year only 6,000,000 come overland. The rest is brought by sea, most of it passing through the Straits of Gibraltar. The possession of a navy powerful enough to guarantee the safety of all this floating trade is, no doubt, an ideal impossible of attainment. Italy, like Britain, is bound to accept certain risks, but she is, I believe, convinced that the more formidable her navy becomes the less likely are those risks to develop. The Fascist officials I have met during my visit have, without exception, emphasised Italy's need of colonies as outlets for her growing population. One and all, however, deprecate the idea of acquiring such territories by force. Mussolini himself specifies Asia and Africa as the historical objectives of Italy. . "There is," he declares, "little or nothing to do towards the north nor towards the west, neither in Europe nor beyond the ocean. These two objectives of ours, Asia and Africa, are justified by geography and history. Of all the largest Western Powers of Europe Italy is the nearest to Africa and to Asia. "Let nobody misunderstand the meaning of our task. Territorial conquests are not aimed at—and this should be heard by all, both far and near—but a natural expansion that should lead to collaboration between Italy and the peoples of Africa, between Italy and the Eastern nations. ' "What is aimed at is action towards the opening up of the still incalculable resources of the two continents, particularly as to Africa, with the object of bringing them closer within the circle of world civilisation. Italy is in a position to accomplish this task." Italy's programme of naval limitation has, I gather, undergone no important change since the London Conference of 1930,, at which her views were clearly defined. STANDS POR EQUALITY. She- stands for equality in naval armament with the strongest Continental Power, which is, of course, France; she prefers limitation by "global" tonnage to that by ship categories. She will agree to the abolition of the submarine if and when all other Powers decide to, do away with this, weapon. For obvious reasons I have not pressed inquiries as to the future intentions of the Fascist Government in regard to naval armaments. So far no building programme has been introduced this year, and the vesesels under construction are the legacy of former programmes. No submarines, for instance, have been laid down since 1931, nor has any capital ship been started since the war. It goes without saying, however, that Italy reserves the right to take at any time such action as may bo necessary to maintain the balance of power in naval tonnage, building or completed. Indeed, even as I write, there is news in Roino of a budgetary appropriation for new ships. ~ All responsible Italians I have met, from .the head of the Government downward, lay emphasis on the traditional friendship between Italy and Britain, and are desirous that the British people should understand the Italian naval problem —"so very similar to Britain's," as they say. v These are not mere compliments. Italy claims, and with justice, that her naval policy is an open book for the -world to read. She has laid down certain principles, and'has in a certain degree already implemented them. More than ever before, perhaps, her fleet is a weighty factor in the European, and therefore the world's, balance of power.. Alike in mass and in detail it is truly impressive. Italy's modern fleet is but one among many of Signor Mussolini's achievements, but it is by no means his least. It is, as it were, a vast monument in steel, incorporating the spirit of a regime which in barely less than a decade has changed nnt ins rely the face but the mental outlook of a great European people.