Evening Post. TUESDAY, AUGUST 8, 1933. A FOUR-POWER JOB

Evening Post, Volume CXVI, Issue 33, 8 August 1933, Page 6

Evening Post. TUESDAY, AUGUST 8, 1933. A FOUR-POWER JOB

Nothing that the Nazi Government has done more favourably impressed the world than the eloquent declaration in favour of peace which Herr Hitler made in the Reichstag on May 17 in reply to President Roosevelt's appeal. Germany, ho'\ said, would tvead no othor path than that laid down by the treaties; the Government would discuss all the political and economic questions only within the framework of and through the treaties. They understood only too well that a military attack of any kind, even if it were successful, must load to disaster. But the surprise of the world was as great as its satisfaction, for hitherto the action of the Hitler Government and the talk of its leaders had been almost uniformly warlike. And today it must be confessed that the surprise appears to have been far better justified than the satisfaction. During the period of nearly three months which has passed- since the Chancellor sounded his note of peace the deeds and words of his Government _have.,been just as warlike as they were dining-the three months that preceded it. If within the last few days its contempt for the treaties which he- undertook that it would faithfully observe, and its contempt not only for international courtesies but,for international law have not reached a climax, it has certainly received an ominously large share of the limelight. How liberally Herr Hitler's colleagues were able to interpret his pledge of German loyalty to the Peace Treaties was -proved almost immediately after he had given it. The importance of Germany's future relations to the" former Ally without which she could never have plunged the world, into war was indicated by Article 80 of the Treaty of Versailles. . Germany acknowledges and will respect strictly the independence of Austria within the frontiers which may be fixed in a Treaty between that Btato and the Principal Allied and Associated Powers; she agrees that,this independence shall be inalienable except with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations. This is one of the provisions which Germany was .pledged to honour by her' Chancellor's speech on May 17. The interpretation placed upon this pledge and. upon'the obligations of German, honour was indicated on May 20 by one of his colleagues. Speaking .at a demonstration of students 'of Berlin University against the regimeof Dr. Dollfuss ia Austria, Dr. Prank said thatthey "confessed themselves' protagonists' of the unity o£th» German, people %d of the Austrian mission of Germany. The struggle of the, tmion of iixq ; .two countries, which is ( a.-historical Sjlocessity, will bo continued with all legal weapons." They would not allow the Austrians. to bo dragged by the party regime of the Catholics and Beds into, a situation which stood in opposition to Germany's interests. They would rather perish as a free people than allow themselvos to be diverted in any degree from the attainment of their exalted aim, the completion of the National-Socialist revolution. If Oxford students, 'suddenly springing from one form of mania to the opposite extreme, were to oxganise a demonstration against the regime of M. Daladier in France and one of Mr. Mac Donald's colleagues were to address it on Britain's French mission and to declare that the British "would rather perish as a free people than allow themselves to be diverted in any degree from the attainment of their exalted aim," the conscience of the world would resent the gross indecency, and would refuse to condemn France if she treated it as an act of war. Five centuries ago. the policy of England still suffered from "exalted aims" of this description at the expense; of France and at the expense, we may add, in almost equal measure, of herself also. But a less extravagant conception of her rights, .a more liberal "appreciation of the rights of others, a broader and more enlightened view of her own interests, a clear recognition of the value of peace as the greatest interest of all nations, including herself, and what is called in the American Declaration of Independence "a decent respect to-the opinions of mankind," have long since combined to cure England of those "exalted aims," for which the barren glories of Crecy and Agincourt were once supposed to be a sufficient justification. In all-the confusions and dangers of the world today there is at least some ground for thankfulness and confidence' in the revolution that has taken place in the relations of these old antagonists. They may save the world from its greatest immediate menace if the other nations are given to understand, as Mr. Wickham Steed puts it in the July "Contemporary Review," "that we and the French, as the only two great Western Powers in . Europe which have remained free, mean to stand together in defence of international right and law against racial intolerance and lawless brutality." Mi". Steed was quoted yesterday as having said in the "Sunday Times" that the German campaign has gone to such lengths that the Powers can no longer ignore its possible serious complications. The audacity of Nazi insolence and the uneasiness that it was causing riot only-to Britain and

France, but to Italy, who is still Germany's best friend, hud been disclosed by an Official Wireless message on Friday:— The distribution of leaflets from German aeroplanes flying over Austria, inciting the Austrian population against their own Government, and broadcast talks which have boeu delivered from South German stations, appealing to ■ Austrians to support the Nazis in Austria, have created a situation which is under consideration bj* the Governments of France, Italy, and Great Britain in the light of ■ Article 80 of the Treaty of Versailles and tiio preamble of the Four-Power Pact. As we have already quoted, the terms of Article 80 it is unnecessary lo say anything more of them than that, though some two years ago when the boot was on ,the other leg, and France was opposing the proposed Austro-German "Anschluss" or Customs Agreement as a violation of the Treaty, and the World Court delivered a judgment in her favour which astonished everybody, it is impossible to suppose that that Court or any other could fail to declare the Nazi crusade against Austria a violation both of Article 80 and of the. Law of Nations. It is, however, of peculiar interest and importance to find that the action of Germany is being reviewed by the other parties to the Four-Power Pact as possibly coming within the mischief covered by its preamble. The special responsibilities imposed on the Four Powers by their permanent position on the Council of the League of Nations are mentioned in the first clause of this preartfble. The second affirms their conviction that the- state of disquiet which obtains throughout the world can only be dissipated by reinforcing their solidarity in such a way as to strengthen confidence in peace in Europe. And according to another clause the parties are mindful of the rights of ev£ry State/ which cannot be affected without the consent of the interested party. It is highly satisfactory to learn that it is at the initiative of the British, French, and Italian Ministers in Vienna that the Austrian Chancellor has supplied their respective Governments witli details of the German attacks, for the purpose of considering whether they justify action under the Pact. It will be a triumph for the new peace machinery if as its first job it enables these Governments to intervene successfully on Austria's behalf. But today's report of Italy's standoff attitude leaves little hope of the united action that the case demands. When Mr. Mac Donald went to Rome on the mission which resulted in the Four-Power Pact he was pleasantly described by the Paris Press as "a go-between in the efforts of Germany and Italy to blackmail France." It ,is a curious comment on this ridiculous libel that in the first test case Britain and France are agreed in protesting against the action of Germany, while Italy prefers to make "friendly representations to Germany through diplomatic channels" on her own account. If Signor Mussolini is to allow .his love of Germany to prevail over his love of peace the prospects of his FourPower Pact are not bright.'