THE BURKE BICENTENARY
(1729-1929)
BURKES FIGHT AGAINST
PLEDGES
"A CONFUSED AND SCUFFLING BUSTLE OF LOCAL AGENCY"
(By "Ajax.")
The circumstances of liurko's double election to Parliament in 1771 illuminate in a very interesting way some of the social and political changes that divides the England of to-day from the England of 150 years ago. He had represented the borough of Wendovcr from 1765 to 1774 with distinction to himself and with satisfaction to his party. But at the General Election of 1774 there were two good reasons why he could no longer rely on the hospitality of Lord Verney, to whom as the political owner of the borough he had owed the seat. The first reason was that Lord Vorney's finances wore so seriously embarrassed that he was compelled to look out for a moneyed candidate who could pay for a seat which Durke himself had been allowed to have for nothing. Politically also Lord Vcrney's position in Buckinghamshire had become so precarious that he might need to reserve Wendover for himself. Burke was therefore compelled to lookelsewhere, and Hockinghani, the Whig leader, who could not afford to lose him, placed his own borough of Maiton, in Yorkshire, at Burkc's disposal. When Burke set out from London for his new electorate, he made a bad start by falling into the hands of two highwaymen on Fhichloy Common. They robbed him of about ten guineas, but there was no other hitch, and on tho 11th October, 1774, Burke was doclarcd elected.
But just as Burke and some of his constituents were sitting down to dinner after the poll a deputation arrived at jMalton from the merchants of Bristol with a request that ho should stand for that city. Having no telegrams or newspapers to tell them of his movements, Hi) deputation had "set off express for London." expecting to find him there, find from London they had come on to (hid him elected for. Maltoii. Obt.'iiniug I he consent of his constituents to his acceptance of this complimentary invitation to stand for the second city in the kingdom, Burke set out at oneo.
Taking post-horses that same evening, says Macknlght In his "Life of Burke," lie was on Ills way to Bristol. Ho was in Ills chaise both night and (lay, he stopped nowhere; lie took no rest; and it was thought that lie had performed a prodigious feat of locomotion when, by leaving Malton at (J o'clock on the Tuesday evening, and 'arriving at Bristol at 2 o'clock on the Thursday afternoon, ho had travelled 270 miles in 41 hours.
IE in these days one is compelled to smile at the break-neck speed which averaged a full six miles an hour, wo must not overlook the fact that to maintain that pace, especially in tbe night time, on the. primitivo roads of those days, was certainly not without risk to the neck. The exhaustion of such a process when, continued for nearly 4S hours must also have been tremendous, yet immediately on his arrival at Bristol Burke went straight to business.
Tie drove instantly to the liouso of the Mayor, says Prior, but not rinding him at home, proceeded to tho CJulldhall, where, ascending the hustings,' and saluting tho electors, sheriffs, and the- other candidates, ho reposed for a few minutes, being utterly exhausted by fatigue and want of sleep, and then addressed (lie citizens in a speech which met with great and general approbation.
Mackriight describes . the speech as "singularly hi contrast with the ordinary . oratory of contested elections," and adds that if Burke had been writing a philosophical treatise he could not have been more guarded in his expressions. In about 1000 words the speech summarises much of Burkes characteristic gospel, and it concludes with a very happy reference to the alacrity with which he had accepted the call to Bristol: —
From that time to this 1 have not slept; nnd if I should have the honour of lieinK freely chosen by you I hope I shall Ijc as far from slumbering or sleeping wlicn your service requires me to bo awake, as t have been in coming to offer myself- a candidate for your favour.
As the poll had already reached its sixth day when Burke arrived, he had had good cause for hurry.
Crugcr, who became his colleague in the representation of Bristol, is commonly reported to have followed up one of Burkes great speeches in this contest with the remark, "I say ditto to Mr. Burke." The story is rejected by Mr. Bertram Newman as apocryphal, but there is no doubt about the emphatic way in which Burke afterwards refused- to 'say ditto either to Crugcr or to the electors. In his speech at the conclusion of the poll Cruger had said that "the topic of instructions has occasioned much altercation and uneasiness in the city," and declared his readiness to treat such instructions as binding. This question of what, regarding the matter from the opposite angle, we arc now accustomed to call pledges was one on which Burke felt very strongly, and he expressed his dissent in language which, though it was perhaps impromptu, has become classical: —
Parliament is not a congress of ambassadors from different and hostile interests; which interests each must maintain, as an agent and advocate, against other agents and advocates; but Parliament is ■ a deliberative assembly of one- nation, with ono interest, that of tho whole; wlierc, not local purposes, not local prejudices ought to guide, but Hie general good, resulting from the general reason of the' whole. You choose a member indeed; but when you bave chosen him, he is not member of Bristol, but he is a member of Parliament. If the local constituent should havo an Interest, or should form an hasty opinion, evidently opposite to the real good of tho rest of the community, the member for that place ought to he as far as any other from any endeavour to "ivc it clTect. 1 beg yardon for saying so much on this subject. I iiavo liccn unwillingly drawn into it; hut I shall ever use a respectful frankness of communication with you. Your faithful Mend. y.Tiir devoted servant, I shall be to ilio end of ray life; a flatterer you do not wish for.
A uiiin who did not fear to proclaim from the platform so uncompromising an ideal of a member's independence could not in, the best of times have hoped to please all his const'tucnts, and at » time distinguished by the largo number of its fundamental and fiercely controversial issues he was bound to incur great unpopularity. During the six years for which he represented Bristol (1774-80), Burko rendered the country and the Empiro service of conspicuous and sometimes unique value by his treatment of these problems, but much of his very best work as a member of Parliament was strongly resented by many of his constituents, and so was his inactivity as a "member of Bristol." On the broader issues the verdict of posterity is not far from 100 per cent, in Burkes favour, but in what remains of my space I must confine myself to n low illustrations of the general grounds on which his defence was based. Whether ho was right or wrong on tho big issues or tho petty ones, the principle!) to which, hs his manner was, he appealed are eternal. His opening plea that a democracy should in its own interests refrain from a captious treatment of its
servants has gained force instead of losing it during the century and a half since it was delivered, and morn centuries are likely to pass before anybody is found to give it better expression.
After repudiating the vain desire "in so great a city, and so greatly divided as this," to please everybody, Burke proceeded as follows: —
In sucl) a discordant of sentiments it is belter to look to the nature of tilings than to the humours of men. The very attempt towards pleasing everybody discovers a temper always llasliy, and often falso and Insincere. Therefore, as 1 have proceeded straight onward in my conduct, so I will proceed in my account of tliose parts of it which have been most cxccpted to. Hut I must first lieu leave lust to hint to you that we may sulfer very great detriment by being open to every talker. It is not to be imagined liow much of service is lost from spirits full of activity, and full of energy, who are pressing, who are rushing forward, to great and capital objects, when you oblige them to be continually looking back. Whilst they are defending one service, they defraud you of a hundred. Applaud us when we run; console us when we fall; cheer us when we recover; but let us pass on —for Cod's sake, let us pass on!
"For God's sake, let us pass on!" Is there any leader in any democratic country under tho sun who cannot heartily echo that prayer? And is it not clear that the tendency against which Burko protests is a far, greater danger to-day than it-was in his time, and that it is -still growing?
Burke, of course, does not deny the right and the duty of the electors to keep a watchful eye on- the conduct of their representatives.
Most certainly it is our duty to examine; it is our interest, too: but it must be with discretion, with an attention to all tho circumstances, and to all the motives; like sound judges; And not like cavilling pettifoggers and ((nibbling pleaders, prying into flaws and hunting for exceptions. Look, gentlemen, to the whole tenor of your member's conduct.
He proceeds to argue that if the process of inquiry is too inquisitorial and too rigid, it will defeat its own ends and deprive the public service of the freedom and the dignity without which it cannot be efficient or even honest.
Gentlemen, we must not be peevish with those who serve the people; for none will serve us, whilst there is a court to serve, but those who are of a nice and jealous honour. They who think everything, in comparison of that honour, to bo dust and ashes, will not bear to have it soiled, and impaired by those for whose sake they make n thousand sacrifices to preserve it immaculate and whole
Depend upon it, that the lovers of freedom will be free. None will violate their conscience to please us, in order afterwards to discharge that conscience, which they have violated, by doing us faithful and affectionate service. If we degrade and deprave their minds by servility, it will be absurd .to expect that they wlio are creeping and abject towards us, will ever be bold and incorruptible asserfors of our freedom against the most seducing and the most formidable of all powers. Xo! Human nature is not so formed, nor shall we improve the faculties or better the morals of public men by Our possession of the most infallible receipt in the world for making cheats and hypocrites.
Burke concluded his appeal with a prophetic warning:—
Let me say, with plainness, I who am no longer in a public character, that if by a fair, by an indulgent, by a gentlemanly behaviour to our representatives, we do not give confidence to their minds, and a liberal scope to their understandings; if wo do not permit our members to a.ct upon a very enlarged view of tilings, wo shall at length infallibly degrade our national representation into a confused and scuffling bustle of local agency.
"Confused and scuffling bustle of local agency"! If instead of making a hypothetical prophecy 150 years ago, Burke had been writing in the Press Gallery of our House of Eepresentatives when the Public Works Estimates were last in committee, could ho have described the position with greater accuracy'?
Permanent link to this item
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Bibliographic details
Evening Post, Volume CVII, Issue 22, 26 January 1929, Page 19
Word Count
1,983THE BURKE BICENTENARY Evening Post, Volume CVII, Issue 22, 26 January 1929, Page 19
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