FOREIGN POLICY

Evening Post, Volume CV, Issue 33, 9 February 1928, Page 9

FOREIGN POLICY

POSITION IN CHINA AMERICAN TREATIES CHAMBERLAIN'S SURVEY (British Official Wireless.) • KUGBY, Bth February. Sir Austen Chamberlain made a long statement to-day in the House- of Commons, dealing with points raised regarding foreign policy. lie said that he joined with the Prime Minister in grateful recognition of the unanimity of the House in respect of the declaration made in the King's Speech regarding British policy towards China. That policy was the result of mature consideration. As was stated at the time, the moment of its application must be dependent on circumstances "which wore and are beyond our control," but to that' policy we remained faithful, and, as was made clear yesterday, it was no party question but was an expression of the goodwill and friendship from the people of this country towards the people of China and their legitimate aspirations. AYe had, indeed, no other interests in China than that our traders should be allowed to pursue their legitimate vocation as traders in peace and security, and we were prepared to meet Chinese aspirations for the revision of the Treaties in a most liberal spirit, provided only that security was given for the lawful occupations of our people. DIFFICULT PROBLEMS. Eeferring, to the impatience shown by Mr. Eamsay Mac Donald that more progress had not been made, Si? Austen said that China was still broken with civil war. It was without any Government that could speak in the name of the whole of the Chinese people. liideed, Governments came and went, as leaders came and went, and there could be no more difficult problem than to carry out the wishes of the British Government on the policy which if had announced, while the Chinese themselves were unable to provide a stable and settled Government for China. Still we had made some progress. In view of tho long delay which had occurred in'the carrying out of the compromise on the Washington Convention, the British Government had accepted the position that it would not be justified in withholding its consent to tho collection of the 2i per cent, surtax which it had provisionally agreed to. Tho surtax was being paid by British subjects throughout China, but the British Government objected and must continue to object to the illegal levies over and above that-surtax which were continually cropping up in different parts of China in this or that passing local authority. The British Government would not object to a uniform national tariff which did not discriminate against British merchants and -which was administered fairly. It was for the Chinese themselves to agree on this important question, and when they did ■igrcc among themselves—and ho was happy to say that there were some signs lately of such agreement—then the- British Government would help them. THE DEFENCE FORCE. Similarly with oxtra-territoriality we had made some progress in face of all difficulties. The British Government had already recognised the modern Chinese Law Court in cases where a British subject was plaintiff or complainant. We were ready to apply in British Courts th© modern Chinese civil and commercial code. The third branch of our programme was to surrender by negotiations our special rights' in British Concessions. He wished he could give a move satisfactory account of the state of things which had prevailed since that surrender. Ho could not say it was wholly encouraging. Circumstances of chaos and civil war were an immense obstacle to tho proper and efficient discharge by the Chinese of obligations that became incumbent upon them from the moment that wo surrendered any of those privileges. Eeforring to reduction of the British defence foreo in China, Sir Austen Chamberlain said that the land forces had been already reduced from 12,500 to 4500 and orders had been given for the withdrawal of another battalion. "I shall be as glad," he declared, "as members in any other part of the House when conditions of order and security in China make the total withdrawal of that force possible. That time has not come yet, and I venture to say that no responsible Government could leave our concessions there without something more than normal protection in the conditions which still prevail." "I must mention with regret the failure of any Chinese authorities in that part of tho country to give satisfaction up to date for the outrages perpetrated at Nanking. It is impossiblo for our Consul-General to re-occupy the Consulate which, even at this moment, is occupied wrongfully and unlahvfully by Chinese troops, and no sort of satisfaction has hitherto been offered for outrage to life, property, or natinal dignity inflicted on us as upon other nations. "The situation is undoubtedly better than a year ago. In particular, the anti-foreign character of the agitations

earned on and still more anti-British character of the agitations has changed, and I think there is beginning to be among the Chinese people a' better appreciation of the real goodwill of the British Government and the British people, and that they are beginning to consider all the liberality and friendship implied and involved not only in the declaration which we published a year ago, but in our actions since that time." AMERICAN RELATIONS. Kef erring to the failure of the ThreePower Naval Conference at Geneva, Sir Austen Chamberlain said: "I do not think we should be well advised to take up the subject again at this moment, but I hope that the Governments who were represented at that conference and other Governments interested in, but not parties to it, may learn from that failure, so that when the time comes to review the Washington Convention, and, as I hope, to make a new one, profiting by the lessons of the past, we may succecil where last year we failed." In regard to the proposed new Arbitration Treaty with the United States, the Foreign Secretary said: "The new treaty, like the old, is not an unlimited Treaty of Arbitration on every difference. Like the old Eoot-Bryce Treaty, it is confined to what are called 'justifiable-' differences. More than that, like the old treaty, it excepts certain questions, even if they be 'justifiable.' It proposes not a repetition of the old reservations, but the adoption of new reservations or exceptions in their place, and the exact effect of those reservations is just one of the many important questions which the British Government is at this moment carefully examining in order to ascertain whether the treaty is in fact of wider scope or, it may be, of narrower scope, but in either case in what the difference consists." The American Government had found it necessary to reserve the Constitu-tional-right of the Senate to be consulted on each individual reference to a Court of Arbitration. That was a reservation which found a place in the existing treaty, but it was a reservation of a very wide scope and a most important character. Wo must enter into full correspondence and consultation with the Governments of the Dominions overseas before we 'could, give our answer to the proposal made. "But there is a second treaty existing between ourselves and the United States to which, I think, sometimes insufficient attention, is paid. It is the Bryan-Spring Kico Treaty, which provides that before we enter into any dispute, the matter should bo referred to a Commission of Conciliation, and that a year's time should be given, and we should await . the report of that Commission before we take to arms. I am not at all sure that at the present stagu in Europe it may not bo the case that the next advance may be made rather along the lines of that treaty than along the strict lines of arbitral agreement. At any rate when wo are talking about Treaties of Arbitration, let us not forget the very important and very useful and salutary provisions of tho treaty signed between Mr. Bryan and tho latu Sir Cecil Spring Eice. WAR UNTHINKABLE. "I can scarcely speak of arbitration with the United States, either in its narrow or larger sense," added Sir Austen Chamberlain, "without saying once again that whatever our position,, and let us make it the best we can for the British Government, war with the United States is unthinkable, and the prospects of war with the United States or a -preparation for war with the United States has never been, and will never be, the basis of our policy in any field."