Evening Post. MONDAY, MAY 3, 1926. CANADA AND THE EMPIRE

Evening Post, Volume CXI, Issue 104, 3 May 1926, Page 8

Evening Post. MONDAY, MAY 3, 1926. CANADA AND THE EMPIRE

A cabled report purporting to be based on "the highest authority" informed us on Friday "the attitude of certain Dominions at the Imperial Conference regarding the Empire's constitution may prove a bombshell." Canada's desire for a larger autonomy was said to be at the root of the trouble. She would tell the Conference that "the time is ripe for independent Canadian nationhood," and that compromise is no longer possible. Her attitude, the message proceeded, may be summed up aa follows:— "Britain's entrance into a European war is not our business, and we refuse to recognise that Canada is even technically at war." This is interpreted to mean that Canada will not accept nationhood within the Empire. It is unlikely that Britain or the other Dominions will attempt to influence Canada, because they do not desire to bully anybody. In the last of these statements, at any rate, the correspondent is on very safe ground. Britain could not posaibly attempt to "bully" even the smallest of tho Dominions to continue a union which had become distasteful. She would probably consider it beneath her dignity to exercise any strenuous persuasion. The basis of the Imperial union is the free consent of all the 'partners. Mr. Bonar Law was considered to have overstepped the mark when he made a remark to the effect that any Dominion was free to secede when it pleased. Constitutionally the remark may have been incorrect, and tactically it may have been unwise, but in spirit and substance, except in relation to Ireland, it is accurate. If Canada or South Africa declared for independence to-morrow Downing Street would not reply by sending a fleet to Quebec or to Table Bay. Even in that supreme crisis the patience and the politeness which have never failed Britain in her dealings with the most restive of her daughter States would be equal to the occasion. A message of "Good-bye and good luck" is the nearest approach to bullying that the seceding Dominion would have to face. Officially there is no warrant for the course for the intentions ascribed to Canada, and it is not surprising to learn that "Canadian circles in London" express ignorance on the point and "are disinclined to believe that she will suggest a breakaway." A still deeper plunge into the waters of speculation is taken by the Sydney "Sun's" correspondent when he Tefers to "rumours concerning what is described as an 'Autonomy Bloc' " Canada, South Africa, and the Irish Free State are combining to demand a freer hand, according to these rumours. It is even suggested that the first two have secretly agreed to combine, hoping for Mr. Cosgrave's support, thereby overriding Australia and New Zealand. What we have said already shows the absurdity of suggesting that there is any need for a combination of Dominions to secure "a freer hand." They have already what for practical purposes is a complete autonomy, and each of them, except the one from whose ports an enemy could strike a mortal blow at Britain's sea power, can make it formally complete for the asking. For a similar reason the talk about "overriding Australia and New Zealand" is equally absurd. The decisions of an Imperial Conference, like those of the League of Nations, have to be unanimous, and even so they do not bind any one of the States concorned until its Parliament has ratified them. No "Autonomy Bloc" and no wirepulling will be needed to effect a secession as soon as any overseas Dominion is ready. It is therefore quite possible that Canada may elect to explode on her own account the bombshell which is to shatter the Empire, and it would be quite in accordance with the recent tendencies of her Imperial policy if she so decided. At every Imperial Conference held in time of peace during the last twenty years the attitude of her representatives has impressed their colleagues as cold, aloof, and suspicious oE every step towards closer union. The doctrine that Canada's Navy might remain in harbour while the Empire was at war was openly proclaimed by Sir Wilfrid Laurier. Fortunately for the Empire the doctrine did not prevent Canada from throwing her whole strength into, the Great War, but the doctrine survived the War, and the whole trend of her post-War politics has shown that, though temporarily in abeyance, it has since returned in full force. It is indeed only in accordance with tho reactionary tendencies which have been displayed since the War all over tho world that this anti-Imperial doctrine of Canadian Liberalism should have acquired a new lease of life, and that the demand should be made for an even stronger protection against European entanglements than the passive belligerency which would be the result

of a decision of the Dominion Parliament to leave Britain to fight her own battles alone. Sir Bobort Borden, who stood out strongly against Sir Wilfrid Laurier's doctrine, and whose naval policy before the War inspired the whole Empire with hope, recognised the danger when at Versailles he secured the exemption of Canada from any obligationsf under the proposed Reinsurance Treaty. At the Lausanne Conference which settled the final terms of peace with Turkey the Dominions were not directly represented, and from this fact the Mackenzie King Government at first drew the conclusion that Canada was not bound by the Treaty. When they discovered their mistake they fell back upon Sir Wilfrid Laurier's doctrine and declined to ratify the Lausanne Treaty. In the Locarno Treaty the disunion of the Empire was officially proclaimed to the whole world by the Article which purported to exclude the Dominions from its obligations unless their Governments ratified it. So far the New Zealand Government alone has, subject to the confirmation of Parliament, approved the Treaty. The Canadian Government will certainly not approve it, but the definitely hostile resolution which it was expected to. submit to Parliament has not yet appeared. On the other hand, the Canadian Conservatives are grievously hampered by the deplorable declaration of their leader that Canada should not engage in war without the approval of the people expressed through a plebiscite or in a General Election. It is the solid anti-Imperial vote of the French province of Quebec, still smarting under the War conscription, that paralyses the politicians on both sides. It is a disappointing and even dangerous position, but the worst way to treat it will be a policy of procrastination and drift. It is to be hoped that the control of the Empire's foreign policy will bo fully discussed in all its phases, first by the Dominion Parliaments, and then by the Imperial Conference.