Evening Post. FRIDAY, AUGUST 17, 1923. REPARATIONS-IN TIME

Evening Post, Volume CVI, Issue 41, 17 August 1923, Page 6

Evening Post. FRIDAY, AUGUST 17, 1923. REPARATIONS-IN TIME

Because the last British Note was addressed to France and Belgium its references to Franco-Bel-gian policy were its chief feature, and have since received most public attention. But the Note did not disclose any undue tenderness tcv.vrds Germany, or any disposition to condone wilful default on Germany's part. On the contrary, it reiterated the British intention of. collecting from Germany the full sum of reparations which might be collected without ruining the country and thereby involving the rest of Europe iti ruin. Britain protested against French policy, not because it was extracting excessive payments from Germany, but because it was extracting less than formerly and was likely to make the payment of anything impossible. Herr Stresemann appears to have overlooked this, and to have noted only' the protest against French methods, not the reasons behind that' protest. His attention will, no, doubt, be promptly drawn to his oversight, and he trill be made to realise that Britain is at one with France in desiring to force payment, though there is a difference at present as to the best method of enforcement. The unreasonableness of France will not be allowed to cover a greater lack of reason in Germany. Herr Stresernann's speech certainly indicates that Germany under his Chancellorship will make no greater efforts than formerly to pay reparations. Indeed, payment appears to have been almost an afterthought in his declaration of policy. "When the questions of the Euhr and the Ehineland were satisfactorily settied," he said, "and a period of breathing space given, Germany would pay reparations." In the unofficial statement of Herr Stresemann 's policy supplied by the "Morning Post" correspondent there is even no mention of reparations. "Unqualified maintenance of absolute German sovereignty in the occupied area" is given a prominent place; but reparations are nowhere.

The new Chancellor claims that he leads the most representative Government that Germany has yet had,' and, if the cordiality of his initial reception is accepted as au index, he has popular support. But the point which will impress the Allied, nations is that he proposes to use his power to strengthen and unite Germany, not so that she may meet her reparation obligations, but so that she may make conditions for payment. Herr Stresemann does not say that his policy will be one of evasion, but the order in which he places liis objectives suggests that this' is his plan. It must not be forgotten that he represents the party which is controlled by the industrial magnates, a party which a German Socialist writer described recently as:

. . . precisely the party which has put the greatest -difficulties in the way of the RepubKc, which has constantly flirted with Monarchism and Jingoism, which has denounced as treachery to the Fatherland ovary honourable endeavour to fulfil the obligations of the

Peace Treaty, and which has hitherto unscrupulously jeopardised the existence of the Bepublic by its economic and financial policy.

The pressure of France has driven all save the extreme elements of Germany into the arms of this party, and created an atmosphere favourable to. a revival of militant German nationalism. It will be said, in France, indeed it is being said now, .that Britain's Note has increased German resistance; but would it not be more correct to say that France, by antagonising the reasonable section of Germany, has given new life to the advocates of unreason ? Franco-Bri-tish unity upon a reasonable policy would speedily break this new resistance. The prospect of such unity and such reason would be greatly improved if M. Poincare were to cease repeating that France is right. and were to endeavour, instead, to see some reason in tie British arguments. The comments of the "Echo de Paris" suggest that a step may shortly be taken in this direction.