THE NEW EGYPT

Evening Post, Volume CIII, Issue 141, 17 June 1922, Page 10

THE NEW EGYPT

MEN WHO WILL HELP IT TO WIN

SURVEY" OF POLITICAL GROUPS

In the Springfield Republican, G. Scott-Dalgleiah writes :—

"When the British Government withdrew its tutelage from Egypt, and consented to the birth of a new kingdom under Fuad the First, the only alternative lay in positive annexation to the British Empire. Both the original occupation of ths Turkish province, which Egypt was in 1882, and continued to be in name till the outbreak of the World Wai-, and the later protectorate of a sr.vosedly independent sultanate which succeeded, had become impossible. The question which the world is asking is, Do the British believe that in the 40 years just past the Egyptians have learned to govern themselves? Or, is it that they feel that the case is hopeless, and that the only thing to do is to abandon Egypt to the mercies of such rulers as may arise, only taking such precautions as will guard the communications of the world and the interests of the foreign investors in Egypt?

It must be frankly conceded that there is little to support tho former view, and that it appears as if the latter were the .true state of affairs. That we may not seem to be looking unduly on the dark side, and that we may put forward such evidence as is available on one side or on the other, it will be of interest to examine somewhat the characteristics and records of the men into whose hands the rule of the new kingdom has fallen, and those who, in the near future, are likely to influence her history.

FIEST FREEDOM IN 2500 YEARS.

It must be remembered, in the first place, that this is the first time in 2500 years that Egypt has enjoyed even nominal independence. During that time she has been in succession under the rule of the Persians, the Greeks, the Romans, the Arabians, the Turks, the French, and lastly again the Turks, to whom suzerainty has been conceded until the war.

During all this time the vast majority of the people have been illiterate peasants, under the domination of a foreign minority, whose rule has been that of force. Chained to the land, voiceless as a people, seldom moving more than a few miles from the spot of their birth, they are the people whose features appear to this day on the walls of the temples thousands.of years old. How is it possible for a mere 40-years' guidance and example to radically change, the effects of these centuries of oppression, and to build up from such materials a self-governing people? It may, and has been, said in criticism of the British that more might have been done to give responsibility to the people of the country than was done. To this the answer is that for at least the first 20 years of the occupation the problems of saving the country from financial collapse and assuring some degree of material prosperity were- so complicated and so insistent that, with the small personnel available, and with the constant uncertainty of permanence of the status quo, ■many undoubtedly important questions had, of. necessity, to be postponed. When, in the later days of the 24 years for which Lord Cromer laboured for the welfare of Egypt, leisure was found for their, consideration, he was not physically capable of giving to them the detailed personal attention which had marked his every policy iii the earlier years. Nor were his successors so inspired by devotion to the interests of the people and their country. There was a growing tendency to make each failure to instil in a native official the ideals o! probity and justice to the people an excuse for increasing the number of British officials. WEALTH HAS INCREASED, That material prosperity and contentment t were at least achieved are proved by the number and the wealth of the people to-day as compared with their condition in 1882. Then the,whole population was not over six and a-half millions, of whom perhaps 6.000,000 were "fellahin." To-iday their numbers are estimated at over 14,000,000, the "fellahin" numbering at least thirteen of these. The wealth of even the peasantry is shown by the freedom with which, since the war, they are buying the bonds which were created/ to meet the extravagances of their former khedive, Ismail. It is said with confidence that the country could float an internal loan to meet the whole of the half-billion of dollars of the external debt.

Supposing, then, that we are right in assuming that in the near future we must look elsewhere than to the.Egyptian proper for the men who will guide the country (though we shall see later that it is not impossible that a few may come from this source), to whom shall we look for material for a governing class? Thero must first be considered the head of the State, the King. Andj in this connection, it will be well to compare him with his immediate predecessors. Tewfik, his eldest brother, was named khedivo by the Sultan of Turkey when he deposed his father, Ismail, who had plunged the country into such depths of debt by his extravagance.

A man of little force of character but of integrity and honesty, he is known as the Khedive "who allowed Egypt to be reformed." He was Khedive when Arabi Pasha led the revolt of the purely Egyptian officers against the favour shown to Turkish officers in the Egyptian army, known to history as the Arabi rebellion. For ten years thereafter he worked loyally with the British, realising their disinterestedness and seeing the gain to the country of the introduction of honest and impartial methods. DID NOT KNOW Tlffilß LANGUAGE. Unfortunately, he was altogether unknown to his people personally, not even speaking their longfage—it must be remmnbered that, the Khedival family aro Albanian Turks, and therefore foreigners —and was not, oven strong enough to I really inftuenco for good the Turkish pashas by whom bo was surrounded. | Abbas HiJmi, his son and successor, educated in Vienna, which lie left with reluctance to, us lie said, bury himself in Africa, despised the Egyptians, bated flic Bvilisli. especially Lord Cromor, with whom ho iamc in conflict, constantly to his own discomfil-nro, and constantly plotted to weaken British in/hicnw. ' . One of his intimates vris tin; Kaiser's chinF spy in the Xeor I'VI, liaron Opnenheim. and there is little doubt that German i'lfiuonr.e bncl boeri strongly nt work in the Khedh'nl. Court for yours bpfnrft the war. When it broke out Abbas was 'n Constantinople, and threw in his lot with the Sultan.' On Tnrkev's entrance into the vmv Ahbai was dr>pesad. and. hU 'uncle, Hussein .Kamal, second s:';ii .-.f I c -mail. was '.lamed Sultan under Hritisii protection. TICSSEIN TOOK AN INTUPJ-ST IN urn co r>;rrn. Husoci.i iii.d li'iK".'.: i ; ;ui. a.s fiiiiiJi'en. ii-.L-j;i.!i:uiicii- llioi;- fallic;- lv 1,-j exile in lUiiy in 1579. They rctun.ed to

Egypt Mer, and Hussein at once occupied himself with personal supervision of his large share of the family estates. He became proficient in the language of the country, 'Arabic, introduced the latest agricultural methods from all over the world, and encouraged his tenants to profit by them. Later he was instrumental in foundling the Khedivia Agricultural Society for the spread of modern methods and .knowledge, which developed into a ministry of agriculture. At his palace of Gizeh, just across the Nile from Cairo, he developed a botanical garden which is still one cj the sights of the country, and ho was also keenly interested in the improvement of live stock, both horses and cattle.

Mixing freely with the " fellahin " as I with all other classes, he became known generally as " Father of the Fellahin." In the early days of the occupation his French sympathies led him to distrust the British, but, with the Entente Cordiale established, he revised his ideas and during his short, reign of three years as Sultan his loyalty, both to the best interests of the people and to his British advisers, was unquestioned. The British Government must regret that he did not live to be the first King of Egypt. ■ / ' SUAVITY OF HASSAN. Hassan Fuad has be.en, until his accession to the Sultanate, bo little identified with public life that his power as a ruler is hard to estimate. Educated, as we have seen, in Italy, he is, in both appearance and manners, much more like an Italian than even a Turk. He is little known outside of Cairo, and has never manifested any great interest in anything except having the best time possible, with the least possible mental exertion. He is suave and polished in manner, and jealous of the deference due him. It is more than probable that he will be largely controlled by the Ministers w^jgm he may appoint. It is when we come to review the possible composition of the Cabinet that we may find some indication of what the future holds for Egypt. When Lord Cromer, then Major Baring, entered fit his duties as British unofficial, though effective, adviser to the Khedival Government he instructed the men whom he selected to assist him to make every effort to discover signs of ability among their native colleagues, whether Turkish Ministers and under-secretaries or Egyptian and Coptic nnder-strappers. LOOKING FOR ABILITY, Honesty and willingness to accept responsibility were the characteristics which were needed, and which, it is regrettable to say, were the hardest to find. It was to the relations between the British and the native workers that Lord Cromer gave some of his closest attention during the twenty-four years he was at the helm. The British officials were directed to awaken, where such did not exist, ideas of honesty and fair dealing, especially with the fellahin, and to avoid all assumption of superiority and high-handedness. Abrupt as -he could, hirpself, be with his own men —his nickname was at one time "Lord Over Baring"—he never allowed them to forget that they were foreigners in a foreign land, and that their native colleagues must not he outfaced or belittled in the eyes of the people. An unfortunate change took place under his successors, not perhaps directly due to their initiative, but owing, chiefly, to their different conception of the end aimed at. Neither Gorst nor Kitchener had his infinite patience, and the personal touch was lacking between chief and subordinates. Many had gone of the little band of hand-picked assistants with whom Cromor had started, ! and to fill their places, as well as to provide for the increased staff which the rapid development of Egypt and tht» Sudan demanded, a system of sending out college men from Oxford and Cambridge was instituted. Pitchforked too rapidly into superior positions these men were apt to be lacking in tact as they were certainly lacking in experience of Oriental manners and customs. Then the war drew away many-of the best men. The older hands, with their knowledge of Arabic and of the Arab ways were invaluable in the Syrian campaign, and their hastily chosen substitutes laboured under heavy handicaps. INTOXICATED WITH POWER. In spite of all this, it is pleasant to be able to record the fact that certain officials of Egyptian blood showed great promise and took high places in the Government service, It ia not so pleasant to have to record, also, Howsome of these same men were the leaders of the agitation which, while admittedly proper in spirit, degenerated into an orgy of riot and fanaticism. Tho British cannot altogether escape blame for the reasons for the attitude of those whom they load themselves advanced, and whom their subsequent .actions alienated. Arabi was ■ the first Egyptian of "fellah" blood to take prominent place in Egyptian history. Though he, in his.revolt against Turkish favouritism in the Egyption army, claimed to speak for the Egyptian people, he used this I purely as a war-cry, and self-interest was ! his only motive. The taste of power intoxicated him. and he later admitted that this had carried him to lengths of which he had never originally dreamed. j He was not the stuff of which adminis- ! trators are made. Of those who responded whole-heartedly to the encouragement given by the early British officials, Ismail Pasha Sirri was an outstanding example.

He worked his way through the different grades of the Public Works ilinistry, finally reaching the position of Minister, a position which he filled most acceptably until lie resigned a few years ago, ostensibly from ill-health, although it is suggested that he was out of sympathy with Che manner in which he thought that Egyptian interests were being sacrificed to those of the Sudan in the matter of the regulation of the headwaters of the Nile.

Two other proteges of the British have recently distinguished themselves by their leadership of the Party of Independence- These .aro Mohanied Fnsha -Mahmoud and Saad Pasha Zaghlul. Mohamed 3lahmoud was educated at Oxford, where he graduated brilliantly. Appointed to a junior position in the Ministry .of the Inferior, he iator became Governor of a province. His many British friends were lately amazed to learn that lie had been dismissed from office, and most of them believe, unjustly. This drove him into the ranks of the Nationalists, to whom he was a. powerful recruit. His prominence- led to liis deportation, with Zudilul and two others., lo Ma!la in 1018. " CEOMER'S FAREWELL WORDS TO ZAGHLUL. Snad Zn.qhlul, leader of the party, and lately deported afroin. tliif lime U> C'oyloi). js uf fellah origin, and was, moreover, Ih'st brought iii-o prominence by Lord Cromei personally. In pursuit of thft hitter's policy of jri'ndiiaUy giving office to Egyptians as they showed Jitness for cilice, he appointed Zaghlul Ministin* of Education shortly before he, himself, left, Egypt for the' last time. In his farewell speech, Cromer said of Kafibhil : '•He possesses all the qualities necessary to serve his country. He is honosl: ha is capable; he has the courage df hi.; nuivk-lions; h e has been abused :r ninny of iiis count vymtn. These iij'i: !ii;.>h (|ua:ificiitiotis. He thould u'o far." It ujiiv- be (hat. if he is iisi-mittoii to clirvjL his lalcn.t-s iv coiULiuctiye effor!.,

instead of destructive, the prophecy will yet be realised.

Another group that must be given consideration in our survey of tho possible sources of Governmental timber is the Copts. These are, in fact, tha most purely Egyptian of all. When the armies of the Prophet over-ran Egypt twelve centuries ago, the small remuant of the people who would hot accept the new religion withdrew up the Nile, where' most of them have lived ever since. Till recent times it was never possible for them to find safety except in walled towns and villages on account of the hostility, always latent, if not always active, of the Moslems. For many years they have provided large numbers of the petty clerks of the Government, though never appointed to high place. In the recent agitation the Moslems have, at times, accept-, e-d the assistance of the Copts, but never with any enthusiasm. The barrier of religion is likely to militate against the Copts taking- any prominent place in the new kingdom which is so preponder-ating-ly Moslem.

This is to be regretted, for there are able men among the Copte, though they have not as a rule been distinguished for force of character or for courage. This reproach could not be levelled at Boutros Pasha Ghali, who took office as Prime Ma' Bister at a time of grave moment, and who paid for his courage with his life at the hands of a fanatic young Moslem. Nor can it be said of Yusef Pasha Wahba, who, on G-hali's death, took up his task and has filled the same position.

PASHAS REPRESENT CULTURE.

We finally come to the group which is likely to furnish the majority of tha men who will be responsible for succees 01 failure in the governing of the vailey of the Nile. These are the Pashas and Beys. They have, in the past hundred' years, supplied the ministers, secretaries of State, Governors, heads of. departments throughout the country. Most of ■these' men .are of Turkish blood, either entirely or partly, they are often largeowners of land, while 'their chief source of revenue is agriculture, they are not Egyptians in the, same sense that we apply the term to either of the preceding groups. They take pains to emphasise their Turkish origin and manners. In their own eyes they desire always to remain Europeans and not Africans. Aa a matter, of fact they comprise many men of high education, great ability, and a degree of culture which suggests Paris rather than Cairo. From the men of this class in the government service one may select for mention Mustapha Pasha Fehmy, -who assisted greatly in smoothing the path of the British in the early days of the occupation, and Adly Pasha Yeghen, who has done the same thing in later years. This class is, however, so certain to be in control in the immediate future that it depends almost entirely upon them to shape the future of the "fellah." Some of them sre themselves old enough to remember tV ■>. satisfaction of robbing the "fellah" of his due share of irrigation water by a small bribe to a complacent district engineer, and may have seen taxes collected to the extent of several times the sum due by the application of the "kourbach." to the soles of the feet of their poorer neighbours; ' MUST LOOK TO THE WEST. Is there any danger that the removal of European supervision may bring back those days? For 20, perhaps for 30, years tho parents of the present generation of "fellahin" have been sure that it would. The Pasha class must turn its face to the western world, not to the Orient, for its example and guidance, if Egypt is not once more, to be a reproach to They must try to absorb the viewpoint of that little band of mon who laboured strenuously to bring the country out of the depths of debt and misery, and' who, whatever . the criticism of the world, whatever the sneers at the purity of their motives, did at least give her material prosperity, and did insure to the lowest and poorest as well as to the highest an equal measure of justice and fair dealing.