FRENCH PREMIER.
HUMANITARIAN RADICAL, BUT NO SOCIALIST.
AN ILLUMINATING REVIEW. It was well for France, and perhaps for Europe, that the two gieal debates on tho revolt in the Midi left M. Clemenceau still Premier. There is a danger just now in French politics which has not been quite perceived in this country. The French people will not, as wo believe, accept a Socialist Government ; but thero is serious fear lest their dread of one, as menacing to the safety of all property, should drive them into a course almost as dangerous to France and to Europe as the tri umph of Socialism would be The rising in the Midi has intensified this dread, for it has aroused >i doubt whether in economic quarrels iho army can be implicitly relied on (writes the Spectator). The spectre of Socialism has succeeded to the 'Red Sceptre,' and thic implies in France a craving for a despotic Government of eomo kind, which can seat itself firmly only by a successful war. Any dictator, whethei Bourbon, or Bonapartist, or military adventurer, who caught the popular ear, would be almost compelled to make a spring for the lqst provinces, and would reckon on the 'entente' with Great Britain as an advantageous circumstance in sucb an enterprise. The Moranchists and the Clericals are already utilising the discontent in the South, while the more t.imid Republicans are whispering that, the successor of M. Clemenceau must ba a.. man of 'most 'conservative opinions.' The effect of Mr. Clemenceau \s defeat must have been, therefore, tt. give a heave upwards 0 that demand for a dictatorship which Fiance, when alarmed by treats of disorder oi by at tacks on .property, has imsiriably put forward as her one working protection against anarchy. 1 RADICALISM AND SOCIALISM. The best protection against such a demand is the Premiership of M. Clemenceau, who has already three or four timos faced and suppressed dangerous economic risings, ana who represents that immense parly of popular electors which in Franco donres Republicanism, fairer taxation, and more iapid social improvement, bu( rejects with disgust and' dread the idoas of a logical SocialIsra \ T-^ 10 difference between extreme Radicalism and Socialism in France covers the whole field of politics, but we may content ourselves with two illustrations. M. Clemenceau is a humanitarian Radical, but no Socialist. He is perfectly willing to establish an In-come-tax as a nieans of lightening the burden of taxation on the toilers, but he rejects as impossible all proposals for substituting ownership bj the State tor private piopeny, c.vtn v- cases 6ucb as that of the mitieowners, where a great number of reflective Frenchmen think that only the impartiality of the State can be trusted to overcome tho impulses of private avurice. . . , SUPPORTED BY THE CHAMBER. The Chamber supports him by more than a two-thirds majority, and the people will support him too, being utterly delighted to find that the Republic for which they wish, because it makes them masters in their own house, can, when guided by strong hands, be as resolute — or even, when needful, as severe — as any King or Emperor or dictator, and can at the same time avoid that appeal to the passion for war which, partly through the warning of 1870, partly through the growing hunger for cpmfort, and' partly through that change of ideas which usually ac- , companies the advance of a new generation, has for the past ten years been visibly dying in France. T"h9 people know they can have a dictator when they please ; but what they want is the energy of dictatorship with the popular basis of a Republic, and the continuous peace which only q. Republic dare secure. A writer who seems to know Franco well has stated recently that she appears to bo getting bored with the quietude of things, and that in part may be true j but men may be very much bored without considering a frtee fight in tho street — a fight with lethal weapons, mmd — au, acceptable relief from " ennui." The continued success of M. Clemenceau is, we believe, good evidence that the apparent power of Socialism in France, as in Germany, is exaggerated by outside opinion. In both countries there are causes of serious discontent and aspirations which induce a portion of tho electors to form large combinations and follow leaders who promise to those who follow them remedies more rapid and more complete thau Governments will initiate, or than can be offered by responsible politicians, who know : from experience how difficult it is to reconcile grand and rapid social im-, provements with the ordinary and safe progress of hnnian affairs. In neither country, however, are the average [ "Socialists" seeking either the destruction of society or huge transfers of property from the hands of the "Haves" to those of the " Have-nots." In France, indeed, the real danger is the other way ; that of a plebiscite in favour of some " saviour of society " who will prevent any redistribution. Nearly three-fourths of the people own something, and on the occurrence of any striking commotion quake with apprehension lest they should be deprived .of it. They want many things, some of them possibly unwise things — liberation from all religious fetters, a remodelling of the laws which give autocratic powers ,to the police, a revision of the system of taxation in the interests of those who have little, and who, from habitual (economy, exaggerate the weight of every direct tax. WILL SURVIVE. Tho body of tho French peopio still live upon the land, and know perfectly well that tho produce of the land cannot be increased by any decree or affected by anything except industry and wiso economic legislation. They do not dream of a world without taxes any more than they dream of a season in which all produce should double in quantity and yet be also doubled in soiling-price. Our people have lost most of their prejudices against Frenchmen, but they havo not yet learned to i - eeognise fully the keen instinct for [ facts and the accurate appreciation of persons which differentiate the French Celt from overy other division of that vast and quick-witted tribe. Franco, which has survived so many despots, will also survive tho demagogues who from time to lime try whether they may not by using promises as bullets, succeed and supersede them.
"Humus" moaus the mould or darkcoloured remnant which is left after organic or vogetnble matter has decayed, A tiee may be called "oigunic matter," but it could not be called "humus" until it had been thoroughly rotted. Most have seen in tho forests the remains of great trees so dcciiyoci that in place of the targe trunks which 101 lto the ginuml, we find only a thin stiip of dnrk-colour-ed powder oi thick mould. Tins remnant it, hurntis, und it may be culled the nutritive b.iMs of tlie oig.inic nutter, dueli us (-od ov grren cropo or manure — co fir as tho j>oa\pi - of feeding plants goe.".. hiu that humus is oii{jni<; matter lottoil, or tilted for yltiul food, ur for . Etonuu. iv tha. noil,
Permanent link to this item
https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19070928.2.111
Bibliographic details
Evening Post, Volume LXXIV, Issue 78, 28 September 1907, Page 12
Word Count
1,182FRENCH PREMIER. HUMANITARIAN RADICAL, BUT NO SOCIALIST. Evening Post, Volume LXXIV, Issue 78, 28 September 1907, Page 12
Using This Item
Stuff Ltd is the copyright owner for the Evening Post. You can reproduce in-copyright material from this newspaper for non-commercial use under a Creative Commons BY-NC-SA 3.0 New Zealand licence. This newspaper is not available for commercial use without the consent of Stuff Ltd. For advice on reproduction of out-of-copyright material from this newspaper, please refer to the Copyright guide.