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THE POLICY OF M. CLEMENCEAU.

M. Clemenceau, the new French Premier, whose great poweis of criticism and invective have hitherto overshadowed whatever gifts of constructive statesmanship he may posse&s, appeals to have made an excellent start with his first official utterance since he assumed the Premiership. On Monday his statement outlining the policy of his Minhtry was approved by tho Chamber of Deputies by 395 votes to 96, and the summary with which tho Press Association has supplied us conveys the impression that the compliment was fully deserved. The programme indicates no striking departure from the lines of policy lafu down by the preceding Ministries of the last few years, for M. Clemenceau himself was a member and, indeed, the mainstay of 11. Samen's Administration, and few of the many recent changes in Ministerial per&onnel have represented any deep difference of principle. When M. Delcasbe fell, the Kaiser found M. Rouvier just as awkward to Teckon with; and after M. Rouvier himself had fallen over a question concerning tho enforcement of the Separation law, the Pope got just as little satisfaction fiom M. Sarrien. It is nl«o certain that M. Clemenceau will not lend himself any more readily to tho designs of either Germany or Rome. "The Government," he said, "intended to maintain "a dignified peace, and would maintain, and develop alliances with other Powers. France would not disarm or weaken her defensive power until that happy but uncertain day when the system now existing among the nations was changed." This nolo could, hardly be improved upon, and it would be well if tho British Premier had given evidence of grasping the essentials of the position with equal clearness. Mr. Haldane's gallant efforts to cope with the problem of army reform, are duly appreciated, and though tho weight of expert testimony is against him, his new and smaller machine will probably be far more efficient than the old pne, but there is no denying that tho policy of naval retrenchment to which the British Government is also committed has excited no jubilation except in Germany. If the 6izo of the German aimy forbids France to "disarm or weaken her defensive power," tlio growth of tho German navy suiely reads the same Jesson to us. In domestic policy M. Clemenceau outlines a programme of Radical reform- in accordance with the tenor of his great speech in reply to M. Jaures, of which wo recently published tho larger part. Like Bismarck, to whom in other respects ho bears little resemblance, the French Premier sees in au advanced scheme of social reform the only means of taking tho wind out of the sails of the Socialists j and his programme seems well fitted to secure that end. A progressive income tax and, "if necessary," a tax on capital to replace the four direct taxes now in existence, an enlargement of the powers ■o[ trade unions, and tho establishment of workers' pensions represent a policy that should arouse tho enthusiasm of the Radicals, and to a large extent conciliate the opposition of the Socialists, since it embodies a- considerable instalment of their programme. As to the struggle witn Rome, the Ministry of course stands just where its predecessors did : "Liberty to dovelop worship should be ensured," Hiiid the Premier, "though foreign domination would bo prevented." The great struggle is at a particularly interesting stage, but we must resist the temptation offered by ho attractive a- subject for tho present. We prefer to conclude with a passage from the speech aheady referred to which admirably illustrates tho design of the new Ministry's programme. The pcrmn addiessed is tho Socialist champion who had preceded M. Clemenceau in tho debate: — "Your manoeuvre is to ■ subjugate tho Radicals by terror, and reduce them to obedience, im has sometimes happened, or else drive them into the camp of tlio Moderates, in order to bring over to your side the electors who are- hungry for social justice by leaving them no choice between the reaction and thut great leap into tho dark, a revolution. The Radical Paity will baffle your Uictics by remaining tiuo to itself, by the Radical policy of action. Yon need not remind us of our programme, or ask wljothor wo are prepared to carry it out. Our only right to sit .hero lies - 1 iv action .action whicfi clcarsaijp ambigui- j

ties, which carries forward tho weak, which regulates and disciplines the will of the strong. It is by action that we have overcome the Church, by action that we shall put down economic oppression, the oppression of the existing privileged class. We have set free the mind, we shall set free the body. Have confidenco, man of little faith, you who distrust the work of the Revolution, of which you were a good workman." There is no possibility of mistake as to the eloquence and the power of the man who can talk like that, and we hope that he may be found equally effective in the exacting labours of his office.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19061108.2.32

Bibliographic details

Evening Post, Volume LXXII, Issue 112, 8 November 1906, Page 6

Word Count
837

THE POLICY OF M. CLEMENCEAU. Evening Post, Volume LXXII, Issue 112, 8 November 1906, Page 6

THE POLICY OF M. CLEMENCEAU. Evening Post, Volume LXXII, Issue 112, 8 November 1906, Page 6