BRITISH AND FOREIGN NEWS.

Evening Post, Volume LXX, Issue 61, 9 September 1905, Page 9

BRITISH AND FOREIGN NEWS.

SPECTATOE SUMMARY^ (For week ending 15th July.) THE VISIT OP THE FLEET. The British Fleet paid its promised vi&it to Brest on the 10th inst., and was received by the French Fleet with unusual manifestations of respect ftnd amity. Perhaps the most marked evidence of the latter feeling was that the two fleets, instead of being separate, as is usual during such visits, by nations, were combined in one fleet, the ships alternating one with another. Officers and sailors fraternised completely, and the Admirals, though perhaps hampered a little by rustiness in the use of foreign tongues, vied with each other \n graceful speeches, all directed to the point that both countries delighted in the entente. The population of Brest, which, it should not be forgotten, talks a j dialect more or less intelligible to Welshmen, displayed its high approval of the meeting by dancing in the streets and escorting its visitors everywhere with shouts of welcome. Even the Mayor, who is a Socialist, called on his fellow-citizens to remember' that their visitors were representatives of a nation which had "given a notable example of material progress and civil liberty." There is something of comedy, or rather of opera, in the description of such elaborate festivities ; but considering the history of the two nations, there is also something which appeals strongly to those who believe that international hatred need not be eternal. We English hated the French and the Scotch about equally, and now, while we cannot distinguish between the Scotch and the English, wo are feeling, sincerely feeling, that circumstances are driving Englishmen and Frenchmen to becomo fast friends. . LORD ROBERTS ON NATIONAL DEs FENCE. On Monday in the House of Lords a discussion took place on a motion by Lord Wemyss urging tHe necessity of looking to our land defences, and not trusting for safety wholly to the Navy. The debate was remarkable for a speech by Lord Roberts, which seems to us the most earnest and weighty appeal that has yet been ( made for a, rational Army policy. No amount of tinkering at Army administration, he said, could do the slightest good unless we first of all made up our minds on. the kind of Army we required for our peculiar needs. Britain had ceased to be n n island, and had become an Empire, and the problem was the defence of the whole Empire. When some event like the South African War happened to bring this homo to the public, then, unprepared as they might be, they responded patriotically to the call. But surely it was only common wisdom to realise facts once for all, and lay down the lines of a permanent policy. We must arrive at some definite decision as to the strength of the Regular Army for peace and war, and the part to be taken by the Auxiliary Forces in the defence both of these islands and of the Empire. . This was the only chance of "giving a certainty to Army life, and obviating that feeling of restlessness which now permeates all ranks, and which is so detrimental to efficiency." The first thing was to awaken the nation, and to get it to regard the Army as a. vital part of itself aH. a primary condition of its well-being. "'I have no hesitation in baying that our armed forces, as a body, are as absolutely unfitted and unprepared for war as they "wore in 1899-1900." That is a momentous condemnation, but one, we fear, which is only too well justjfied. Think what it means! The Government havo had three full wars in which to prepare our military forces for war since they learned by experience the faults in our system. Yet now our greatest living militury authority, | speaking with a full sense of his r'esponsibijity, tells us that nothing has been accomplished. Surely some account is to be rendered for such misfeasance as this. THE NEED OF A RESERVE. Lord Roberts went on to say that he did not blame any particular Government, for I,i Government only reflected national sentiment, ahd if that sentiment were apathetic, so also would be the action of the leaders. He told the people of the country that their Aimy was inadequate to the tasks it might have to face, and he appealed to them to insist upon its reorganisation. We did not need a.' largo standing Army, but behind it there must be a Reserve large enough to' mobilise all th Regulars, and to provide for such expansion as circumstances might require. The main body of the Reserve must be formed by the Auxiliary Forces and the manhood of the country generally, and it was for the people to decide whether the Reserve should bo created by conscription or by sojne system of universal training. We are glad that our greatest soldier should have spoken out so manJ fully on this question. In spite of tho moderation of his language, his speech was a crushing'condemnation of the Army policy of the present Government. We would note also somo admirable remarks by Lord Goschen, who criticised Mr. Balfoiir's declaration against tho possibility of invasion. It was impossible, he said, to dogmatise on such matters, since the unforeseen was always prone to happen, and the declaration would have a deplorable result if it tended in any way to discourage the Volunteers, or to "produce an impression in the country that our efforts wore to be relaxed because our splendid Navy had given a guarantee that our shores were inviolable." THE ALIENS T3ILL. The House of Commons this week has been occupied with the consideration of the Aliens Bill in Committee. The discussion was chiefly remarkable for the attitudo taken up by tho Prime Minister on the question of the position of Britain as an asylum to those suffering for their faith. On Monday Sir Charles Dilke moved as an amendment to tho first clause that indigent, immigrants should bo allowed to enter this country if they'pioved that they sought •admission as sufferers from religious persecution. It is not too much to say that Mr. Balfour's reply was sophistical in tho extreme. ■ He described tho immemorial right of asylum as an "historical delusion," adding that there was a law still on the statute-book preventing tho landing of Jesuits. "This country, even in relatively recent times, instead of welcoming to its shores those who differed from it in matters of religion, drove foith from its shores those who difl'eicd from it in matters of religion." We had given admission only to those alien immigrants with whose creed wo agreed. Superficially, of. course, this is an arguable case, but it involves the shallowest, and most, literal view of our hintoiy. Wo aro glad to note that Lord Hugh Cecil pressed tho common-sense, traditional view with great force, and that Mr. Balfour ultimately agreed to amend the clnuse so ns to include those seeking admission "solely to nvoid persecution or punishment on religious grounds, or for an offence of a political nature, or to avoid danger to life or limb on account of religious beliefs." THE REDISTRIBUTION PROPOSALS. The Government Redistribution scheme was published on Tuesday. The Resolution which they intend to propose to tho House on Tuesday next begins by laying down that tho number of Members shall [ uot be maleiiully uUerod t and that new

Members shall be given as follows: — (1) AH boroughs or urban districts -with a population over 65,000 shall have a Member. (2) A county or borough with a population over 65,000 mutiplied by the number of its Members shall have an additional Member for every complete 65,000 of the excess. Members shall be taken away as follows :—(1): — (1) A borough with a population of less than 18,500 shall 'lose its Member, and a county or borough with, two Members and" a population ol less than 75,000 shall, except in the case of tho City, lose one Member. (2) A county or borough with more than two Members and a population of less than 65,000 multiplied by the number of its Members shall have one Member less for every complete 65,000 of the deficiency. As far as possible the county or borough shall be co-extensive with the administrative county or borough. In London" the Metropolitan and Parliamentary boroughs shall be brought into line. Such are the general principles laid down. Commissioners are to be appointod to report what changes of boundary are necessary, and how best to give effect to the principles stated in tho Resolution. DEFECTS OF THE SCHEME. An explanatory Memorandum by Mr. Gerald Balfour, who, as President of the Local Government Board, is to have charge of the measure, shows what will be the practical effects of the Resolution. There is a net gain of seventeon seats to England, of one to Wales, and of four to Scotland ; while Ireland suffers a loss of twenty-one. It may bo pointed out here that if the scheme did true electoral justice to the various parts of the United Kingdom, Ireland would have the thirty Members she now has in excess taken from her, thirty-one would be given to England, Wales would remain as she is, and Scotland would lose one Member. The leason of this failure to get rid of existing anomalies is easily seen. It is due to tlio fact that tho Government, though admitting that the normal constituency should have something like 60,000 inhabi- ■ tants, will not disfranchise any constituency which, has over 18,500. This leaves a very large number of boroughs with such a small population that the value of a vote in them is three times as great as in the normal constituency,, or in the new constituencies created by the Resolution. The only excuse suggested for not carrying out more honestly tho principle of "ono vote one value" is that tbe Act of 1885 was quite as timid and hesitating in its attempt to deal with the proposition that a man should not lose electoral force through geographical reasons, and because he has moved from one portion of the United Kingdom to another. If the Government had really desired to do "indifferent justice," they -would have fixed their minimum at something like. 30,000 inhabitants, and have divided constituencies into- two which passed beyond the 100,000 .of population. Still better, of course, would have been the adoption of an automatic system which, could be applied after every Census. If no amendment is made in the Resolution, it is obvious that the reform affected will be most inadequate, so inadequate, indeed, that we are not sure that it would not be better to leave the matter alone, and wait for a, more comprehensive scheme. We admit, of course, that half a loaf is better than no bread ; but what we are afraid of in the present case is that a small and tinkering scheme may be made the excuse for doing nothing more for another twenty years. It is impossible for Parliament to be always altering its electoral base, and therefore it in especially necessary that when reform lakes place it shall be of a thorough kind. Wo cannot, however, believe that the Government will refuse to allow amendments to their proposals. When it is shown, as it can be, that a larger disfranchisement of tho small constituencies and a moie generous treatment of the great ones will make very little more disturbance than the Resolution, we feel confident that the Government will agree to the development of their present entirely inadequate scheme. THE SCOTTISH CHURCHES. On Wednesday afternoon the debate on the second reading of the Churches (Scotland) Bill was resumed in the House of. Commons, the amendment attacking clause £i coming under discussion. Mr. Arthur Elliot made a clear and conciliatory spaech, and Mr. Balfour contributed the best statement which has $et been 'made of a somewhat complicated question. He urged that tho clause giving rolief to the Established Church was not aimed against the Free Churches, but was germane to the well-being of the whole of.Presbytorianism. In ecclesiastical policy he declared that he would always be found "on the side of union and on the side of freedom." Spiritual independence meant the power to modify, "not the fundamental and essential doctrines which lay at the basis of their religious creeds, but those formulas of subscription -which time inevitably makes old." The recent judgment of the House of Lords had raised the question for the Established Church as well as for the Churches directly concerned, and it was only right that the difficulties of all should be provided for at the same time. Clause 5 made no attempt to touch the Act of 1690, which is the Charter of Presbyterian faith, but only the Act of 1693, which dealt witli tho formulas of subscription, and had only a temporary justification. Elders and members of the Church already had the relief claimed ; the present Bill extended the same privilege to ministers. Mr. Balfour's speech, both in argument and temper, was all -that could bo- desired, and undoubtedly mado a great impression on the House. The amendment was rejected by a majority of 140,tand the second reading passed without a division. "TARIFF REFORM." On Friday week Mr. Chamberlain addressed tho annual meeting of the Tariff Reform League in tho Albert Hall. The speech followed the lines which are' now only too familiar. His proposals would lower the cost of living among tho poor, relieve the burden of rales, and carry forward great social reforms which were impossihle to-day from our lack of resources. Mr. Chamberlain, however, was most interesting when he dealt with tho fighting tactics of his League. He had desired, he said, to keep the question outside of party politics ; but one great party had utterly repudiated him, and he was therefore compelled to turn to the other. "Our policy is to-day the policy of tho vast majority of the Unionist party. . . When we look the question in the face we know that our success depends upon the united Unionist party, which will give us their whole-hearted support." He announced further that the time for enquiry had ended, and tho time for action had begun. "We have a. definite and constructive policy. Let no man join us who does not agree with the whole of it." He then delivered a spirited attack upon obscure and half-hearted politicians. "In tho long run plain speaking would be tho wiser course oveu for tho hardened politician." Such by-elections ns had been lost were lost from attempting to muko the best of both political worlds. All this might seem to be levelled direct at the Prime Minister, had Mr. Chamberlain not gone on to claim Mr. Balfour as an ally who met with his unreserved approval. Only one comment is possible. If the Prime Minister is not in full agieement with tho policy of the Tariff Reform League, then Mr*. Chamberlain's speech contained the most divect insults over levelled by a member of a party against his leader,.