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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Yesterday's Sitting, eestkaint of "wad bring. Mr. G. Hutchison, iv moving the second reading of the Bill, said it was an attempt 1«> restrain gambling. It was called for by developments that had recently taken place, and members would be aware of the necessity lor the measure. The penalties it provided were severe, but they needed to be. Without debate the second reading was agreed to by 25 to 19. ' ELECTIVE EXECUTIVE. The Hon. Major Steward, in moving the spcond reading of the Elective Executive Bill, said that Party government produced in all Legislatures distortion of vision such as resulted from optical instruments. As it was, members could not exercise the right of p-ivate judgment without being branded as traitors to their Party, and this was a result ot the fate of Ministers depending on their measures. Lord Salisbury, and other high authorities bore witness to the injurious effects upon legislation of the predominance of Party interests. Mr. Auberon Herbert was also quoted in proof of the evil of sacrificing principles to organisation. Party government also converted the legislative chamber into a sort of gladiatorial arena, good fighting speeches being accorded undue importance. The existing system not only impaired the efficiency of the Legislature, but also prevented the choice ot the best administrators. The evils were ax apparent in England as in thu colonies, and, strangely enough, .Party government was being increasingly condemned in the country of its origin. The same trend of feeling was also felt here. Party government was fast proving itself the antithesis of true democracy, and transferring all power to a Prime Minister. Measures not really xupporled by the majority of the Ministerial Party, let alone the majority of the representatives, were forced through, because Ministers insisted and tho Party could not forsake them. At best it was only government by the majority, of a majority, and not by the real majority of the representatives. The division into an organised Ministerial and an equally organised Opposition Party was a comparatively modern development, as was clearly shown by history. It had no claims to veneration by reaspn of age, and better systems had been devised, as in Switzerland, where the Executive was chosen for a fixed number of years, and, as been from the authorities quoted, proved beneficial. There was every reason to believe such a method would work satisfactorily in New Zealand, especially as it ■would not be treading any unknown path. Surely it would be better to have the Prtuuier a mere president of the Executive instead of with the increasing influence he now enjoyed. With an Executive elected by the Legislature, the evils now caused by Party government would be removed. He (Major Steward) felt sure the Bill if referred to a referendum of the people would be accepted by a large majority. I If was the charter of the liberties ol the Legislature, and the logical outcome of our democratic institutions. It might be asked how it was that he, a strong Party man, now after 25 years of Party life brought in a Bill of this kind. Itriiisbecau.se he wanted to be put out of the position of having to vote for things winch he did not believe in for the sake of preventing men he did believe in from beiii!.? turned out of oflicp. Air. Morrison expressed the opinion that Party government was a thousand times better than this wretched abortion of a Bill, which if put before the public would be M'oiTeil at, and scorned at the thought of him, inn Mich a measure into practice. .\lr X G. Allen opposed the Bill, hoping tin- jionse would not tak« it seriously, but yne it a quick despatch.

Mr. Carncross complimented the lion, member who introduced 1 lie Bill upon his sincerity and honesty of intention, but could not support the Bill, because he was not convinced that it would remedy the evils of Party government. It struck him that the remedy lay with themselves. They wore inclined to be too subservient. (Hear, hear.) He believed that Parly support should be eon fined to questions of broad principles and not to small matters of detail. A little more freedom in the direction of shaping measures would do away with many of the evils of Patty government. Mr. Sligo promised to vote for the second reading, and complimented Major Steward on the manner in which he had introduced his Bill. Mr. Mills believed that so long as we were working under the present Constitution Party government was imperative. Mr. O'Rcgan said he had seen enough of the anomalies and injustices that exist under the present system of Party government to warrant him voting for this Bill. It would enable members to vote upon the merits of measures brought before them without consideration of Part v. Mr. Ward strongly opposed the Bill, and dwelt on the possibilities that might arise under its provisions. His strong opinion was that the reforms of the past seven years would never have been accomplished under a system such as that now under the consideration of the House. He submitted that Switzerland, where they had the Elective Executive, had practically stood still, while other European countries under Party government had gone ahead in leaps and bounds. The countries which were leaving other countries behind were those in which there were two political parties, one fighting against the other. Mr. Gilfedder supported the Bill. Mr. Ta\lor said the advocates of the Bill ought to leftl gratified when they reviewed tho speeches delivered against it. The Elective Executive would not abolish Party. It applied only to administration, not to the legislative acts. The principal evil that it was hoped to get rid of by this Bill was the present failure to recognise that the passing of a law ought to be a State, and not an Executive, function. As recent illustrations of the misuse of the Party system be mentioned the case where the whole force of the Party machine was brought to back the action of a Minister in accepting service under a foreign syndicate of speculators ; also the case where it was used to support the Ministry in spending money on public works without the authority of Parliament. Under it personalities ruled rather than principles. Mr. Hogg said the Bill was an old familiar friend. Nothing, he submitted, was more likely to stir up Parly strife and Party feeling than the system proposed under this Bill. Mr. J. Hutcheson said that many of the honourable members so devoted to Party only got to the House by saving they belonged to a particular Party. Their only recommendation, in fact, was that they came forward as the candidates of a particular Party which carried them through. He supported the Bill, and his chief reason for doing so was that his experiences before entering politics and after led him to see that government to-day was nothing' more than government by contradictions. The Government in power was bound to try and carr} r out its policy, and the Opposition bound to try and prevent it from doing so. In order to keep in close touch with his Party, a man must abrogate all his rights to reason and to judgment. Major Steward having replied, the motion for the second readiu, of the Bill was negatived by 32 to 19. The House rose at 12.15 a.m.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP18980721.2.4

Bibliographic details

Evening Post, Volume LVI, Issue 18, 21 July 1898, Page 2

Word Count
1,236

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Evening Post, Volume LVI, Issue 18, 21 July 1898, Page 2

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Evening Post, Volume LVI, Issue 18, 21 July 1898, Page 2