Evening Post. WEDNESDAY, JULY 21, 1880. NATIVE AFFAIRS.

Evening Post, Volume XX, Issue 168, 21 July 1880, Page 2

Evening Post. WEDNESDAY, JULY 21, 1880. NATIVE AFFAIRS.

If a stronger argument had been needed than those already brought forward by Mr. Brtce and Mr. Sheehan— the late and present Native Ministers— in favor of the Maori Prisoners Bill, it certainly was furnished by the events which have occurred during the last few days Opposite Parihaka. It is a curious Coincidence that while some members of the House still remained unconvinced as to the necessity of the measure, the disaffected Maoris should themselves have so acted as to clear away all doubts from every reasonable and unprejudiced mind. It is true that a small minority fought to tho last against the Bill, but these did not include members who can fairly be classed undor this description. They followed their leader. Sir George Gret is the keeper of their consciences, and so very despotic a keeper that it is fortunate for him he has so singularly subservient a following. The spirit of subserviency is indeed marvellously developed in the Gretite ranks. Sir. George Gret may justly declare, like the centurion of Scripture — '" 1 say to this man ' Go,' and he goeth; and to another 'Corns,' and he cometh ; and to my servant 'Do this,' and he doefch it." It may be open to question whether this be carrying out the principle cf representative Government in its truest sense, unless, indeed, it be urged that Sir George Grey's subservient followers simply represent their leader. If it were contended that this is not the sort of representation which was intended by the f ramers of our Constitution, Sir George Ghey would promptly reply, as he has done so often betore—"l am the sole iramer of the Constitution, and, therefore, I must know best what was its design." It is mere waßte of time to argue wicti such antagonists as this, and the most sensible course for the Government to adopt when a measure of pressing urgency is factiou3ly obstructed is to refrain from debating the point, and to oppose one block vote with another. It is noteworthy that the Government had a majority of seventeen, on the third reading of the bill, which the Opposition had regarded as offering perhaps the most favorable chance of attack on all the Ministerial measures. Possibly the action of Te Whetu and his followers had some influence in bringing about this result. Certainly it afforded convincing proof that the measure was absolutely necessary for the preservation of the pnblic peace. Had tho bill been thrown out, the Ministry defeated, and the 130 native prisoners released in time for the latter to have returned to Parihaka before Te Whetu commenced action, it is only too probable that he would have had their active assistance. The merest accident- a passing irritation or a trifling misconception — might at any time have involved bloodshed, the end of which, once begun, it would be difficult to foresee. In the best interests, even of the natives themselves, it is all important to avert this risk by every means in our power, whether strictly in accordance with legal precedent or not* Te Whetu is notoriously one of the most dangerous men on the West Coast, and is already suspected of complicity in one murder of a European. It is not at all likely he would have hesitated to precipitate a deadly conflict had he been supported by an adequate following such as would have been afforded him by the release of the prisoners, wbich Sir George Gret so nnpatriotically strove to effect. Happily there is reason to hope that this danger has now been averted by the arrest of Te Whetu, and the detention of the prisoners, but no thanks are due to the Greyite party for the escape. Such matters ought not to be treated as party questions at all. Surely in such cases all members might exercise sufficient patriotism to waive factious obstruction, in which they have so many other opportunities of indulging without imperilling the peace of the Colony and the lives of their fellowcolonists. The same rule might fairly apply, if with less stringency, to the other native bills brought down by the Government. They all might very reasonably and properly be dealt with on their merits, and not from a mere party standpoint. The necessity for new legislation in regard to aative affairs is admitted on all hands. The Government have brought down several bills, carefully devised to meet the requirements of the case from their point of v ; ew. They may or may not be the best possible measures that can be devised — that is immaterial to the point for which we are contending — namely, that they should be removed from the arena of party warfare, and discussed solely on their intrinsic merits or demerits. Mr. Bryce, by not bringing down a regular Native Statement, has avoided anything like a direct challenge to the Opposition to fight out tho native policy of the Government on a party basis. It is greatly to be desired that the House should follow this lead, and proceed to the consideration of native affairs generally with a sincere determination to do all that can be done to find a satisfactory solution of this vexed question, irrespective of personal antipathies and political prejudices. There are other subjects in abundance on whioh party struggles can be conducted, and this should bo wholly excepted from that category. If the details of the various native bills need improvement this can be effected in Committee, bnt in the name of common sense let ua have no more waste of valuable time in hopeless and purposeless factious resistance to the second readings, which Ministers have shown they possess ample strength to carry against all opposition. Those who are really in earnest in the matter may rest assured th&t by such obstruction they are materially diminishing their chance of carrying even useful amendments when the bills ultimately get into Committee. Native affairs ought no longer to be treated as party questions.