GERMAN SOCIALISTIC REPUBLIC.

Dunstan Times, Issue 2963, 14 April 1919, Page 5

GERMAN SOCIALISTIC REPUBLIC.

(By Karl H- Wiogand.)

The national elections in Germany for a Constitutional Assembly at Weimar will practically determine the future form of Government fd> what passes away as the German Empire. There is little doubt now but that the .National Assembly will draft and adopt a constitution that will he the foundation and charter of a German republic. That republic will be strongly socialis-tico-democratic or democratic-socialistic, as you please to view it. The National Assembly will be dominated even if not actually controlled, bv tho much condemned Majority Socialists, led by the stolid harnessmaker, Friedrich Ebert, who lent stability to tho revolution in its most critical moments; Phillip Schoidemann. tho chief spokesman of that wing, formerly a printer: Gustav Noske, editor of the Peoples’ Voice of Chemnitz, who had charge of the military situation in Berlin during the counter-revolution of the iSpartacus group led by Liebkneeht; Dr Eduard David, the iutellectualist of the group, and Hermann Molkenbuhr, former cigarmaker. but for years a member of the Reichstag. By the irony of fate this group, so often called the “Government Socialists and tile Kaiser’s tools,” against whom the press of tho Allies thundered their anathemas, through Schcide. iiiann voiced the demand for the abdication of Wilhelm 11., took over the provisional government and prevented it from falling into tho hands of the real “Reds,” saving Germany from the fate of Russia. This group by, putting down the Spartacus revolt has. for the time being, at least, proved a bulwark against Russian Bolshevism. It }‘ as become the hope not only of the Germans but of the Allies as well. The elections have given little encouragement to the extreme radicals m all contries, who hoped and believed that Germany would become the second Bolshevik nation. If the elections show anything they prove, first, that the natural conservatism, in tho German character and the innate love of law and order of the Gcrmijji mind was not ready lor chaos and anarchy dospite all 'the German people Itfive been through; second, that with the thrift natural to them they have not given up the idea hat private property is something worth striving for. A day or two before 1 left Germany in May. 1917, I took a. long walk in the Tiergarten with Privy Councillor Richard Witting, brother of Maximilian Harden and head of the National Bank of Germany. lie told mo of the plans for the overthrow of BethmannHollwcg, which followed a few weeks later, and declared to me: “Wo must bo defeated to become tree. It sounds terrible; it will be for us, but it is tho only road to political freedom for us.” Witting was one of the duel leaders, not of tho socialistic, but of the democratic movement in Germany. When I left Christiana in July, 1917 a prominent political ■writer on one of the most influential newspapers in Germany gave me as a parting greeting: ‘Tell them not to make peace until things break in Germany. The neck of the present system must be broken else we will not be free of the yoke.” Both and many others like them have had their wish. With one swoop Raker, Crown Prince, three other kings and crown princes, and twentytwo other rulers were swept away. With them also went the annual salary roll of between ten and eleven million dollars which the German people paid for being ruled, as against approximately 600,000d01. paid by us to the President and State Governors, There were eighteen distinct political parties in Germany under the old regime and half as many more currents of political thought hut which found no concrete expression in party organisation. Thirteen parties were represented in the Reichstag. Ten parties had candidates for the National As-

sembly. Tho election showed a larger increase for the Majority Socialists than for any other party. The Ipajoritj* win had between 80 and 84 out of the Reichstag membership of 897. Out 433 delegates to constitute tjio Aal.ininil Assembly the. lEbopt-'Schcidje-imimi-David group, that is the majority wing, elected 189, or almost double the number of the strongest delegation the Christian People’s party which was formerly the Catholic Centrists. The latter will have 88 m the Assembly as against 91 in the Reichstag. ‘ The clerical party therefore suffered a loss of three. The libend wing of the Rational Liberal Party and the Frotsiniugo (Free Thinking) party, more often known abroad as tho Progressives or Radical Democrats, combined under the name of tho German Democratic par tv and returned 77 members m tho Reichstag and tho National Liberals 45 their combined strength at \\ cimar will he no greater than it . was in Reichstag, according to figures re-

ccived so tar. . ~ , . The Independent, Socialist, led 03 Haase the colleague of old August Hebei elected 29 delegates show mgf a .rain of over eight over their Heichsta.r representation which was nSome of the Independent, lenders add followers were for 11. time coquetting with Tdehkuecht’s tspara Jaiam Tho Conservatives or • 'inkers, wlm held 43 seats m the Hmclistag. •won only 34 M b in the Nut,„m,l AnwnWj milder tho name of the Aatioiial PH While American suffragists are hurn- ; llf r the speeches ot President -W dsoii front of tho 'White House the, herman women through Geyppim’S. 9' ■ tea 1 hj ivo wqn a group H<"tury~iho right o viife. Tho woman s suffrage momnieiit in the past has had no £ rcat impetus in Germany. the exception of among the Socialists there had been no really strong demand ku the ballot hy German women Hie result of tho war has practically tun;,:,-? , it upon them. Tho }Tajovity aojaajwxs no doubt pwo no small part ot their great gain to the women’s vote. 1 it would ho idle to attempt to forecast the salient features of the new Gorman constitution to he dratted in "Weimar the one lime lihur-'d intel Icctnai. centre and tho city of Goethe and Schiller, That it- will provide tor a republic and not a monarchy seems certain. Tho manner in which Wilhelm 11. and his son to Holland disillusionised tho German people jiibre quickly and effectively than anything else ‘could have done. 'ThM tho 'Gorman republic will ho more socialistic than any republic to-day oxRussia we a>a;r espeipf, jus* an the?

old monarchic Germany was in many respects more paternally socialistic than any other monarchy. Since the Majority Socialists have not an absolute majority it is not improbable that tho National Assembly will elect a Government composed of the three leading parties —Socialists, Democrats and Christians.that is Catholic Centrists. Tho Socialists naturally would dominate such a government. Viewed from the standpoint of America and tho Allies, tho fact that the Majority Socialists dominate the situation, can bo regarded as a. hopeful sign. It has never been radical and has no relations with tho Bolsheviki. It has not been a party of repudiation and confiscation. If judged from its programme in tho past it will not stand for repudiation of national debts nor for confiscation of private property, as was the aim of Liebknecht and bis followers, who wanted to carry out tho Bolshevik programme in Germany. Knowing Ebert, Scheidemann and David as I do and having often hoard their views, I can say that they will not venture on such radical changes

as to create financial, economic or industrial chaos unless their views have changed radically since I last talked to them.

That they will work for the breaking up of some of the largo estates in Prussia into smaller holdings and endeavor to nationalise some of tho largest industries may be expected. As tho Government already owned tho railways, telegraphic and telephone systems, they no doubt will endeavor to extend Government ownership to other things. Municipal ownership of pub lie service corporations, already com mon in many German cities, would he given a. still greater impetus. The so-called “social laws,” providing sick benefits, accidents, maternity and old age insurance, will receive much attention. Petroleum, sugar, coffee and tobacco, would become Government monopolies where they are not already that. Coal mining and electric light and power probably will bo nationalised under a socialistic regime. Extreme radicalism has not found ready soil in Germany. Tho German mind has been too conservative for that. But as revolution came where least expected, so also naturally could extreme suffering, privations, unbearable burdens, unemployment, etc., play into the hands of the extreme elements

A conservative Socialist Government of Germany, even though it is socialistic. has promise of stability - and character and one with which tho Peace Conference could make peace.