OUR POLITICAL POSITION.

Daily Southern Cross, Volume XXXII, Issue 5708, 8 January 1876, Page 3

OUR POLITICAL POSITION.

To the Editor : Sir, — At the present time, when the thoughts and the interests of the people are so much engaged upon the political position of this colon}', the public mind 'm filled with perplexity, suspicion, and distrust through the denunciations and calumniations emanating from the mouthpieces of two political factions— the Centralists and the Separationists — against their opponents. Bufc neither party offers any reasonable guarantee that the future political management of this colony m ill be free from the shortcomings which have characterised the past Governments. They offer no guarantee which will satisfy the minds of those not blinded and prejudiced by party enthusiasm. The Separationists, while denouncing in unmeasured terms the shortcomings, defects and abuse of power of the past Governments and Parliaments — offer no guarantee to comince us that, if their party were to come into power, these shortcomings — these abuses of power — would be improbable, except to trade upon and point towards the high standard of the character of their leader. But however high the character and abilities of Sir George Grey may be, it surely would be unm Ise to alter and reform our Constitution so as to make it alone suitable to be successfully administered by any one particular man. If Sir George Grey were all that his most sanguine admirers think him to be — in fact, where he demi-god -what if he should find it necessary to retire from public life, would a Fitzhei-bert, a Macandrew, or any other one of the prominent leaders of his party be the desirable man to which the people in all parts of the colony would entrust the administration of the government of New Zealand ? The Centralists on the other side but feebly deny the shortcomings of the late Governments, but endeavour to show that the cause of these shortcomings, of^these abuses of power, was the want of power, they being too much subjected to party or local influences ; that by abolishing'these local influences they would be independent to administer the Government of the colony in such a manner as to be equally beneficial to the parts of it ; or, in other words, they advise an increase of power as a preventative of an abuse of power. This logic , seems rather homeopathic. By considering what may be the most desirable form of Government for any part of the globe, we must especially look to the character of the people. The form of Government which might be found most beneficial to one country might prove to be the very opposite if applied to another country, where the disposition of the people is different. The most successful form of government for any part of this globe will always bo that which is most suitable to the character and nrnds of its inhabitants. We must, therefore, look to our colonial virtues and our colonial want of virtues, when we attempt to re-model our constitution, and this knowledge alone will enable us to iind the cause 1 ? of the nonsuccess of our present form of government. We all, w ith very few exceptions, came to this colony for no other object but to better our individual condition, for our own personal advancement. We adopted it as our home, but to a great extent a transitory home, the home of our inmost heart we left behind us. Most of us are not endeared to this colony by early associations ; we have no poetical lore to plant any love for this country iu our hearts ; we have no glorious historical past to lean upon ; we rather look upon ourselves as benefactors to our country, as being instrumental in its growth and success, but we have no patriotism. We can see the welfare of the country only in our own ; b'it very seldom our own in the welfare of the country. We like to see it formed so as to suit our personal and individual wants ; can we expect difl'eren'ly from our representatives and rulers ? We can only look to their sense of honour, to use the power we entrust into their hands in such a manner as will be conducive to the welfare of the country ; but we must expect no patikdism. This sense of honour, which is so dependent on the state of the culture of the mind and morals, may guide a man when entrusted with power to rule and govern the business of tho country, to use thi3 power only in such a manner na lie considers beneficial to its progress ; but if not possessing the necessary patriotism, he will not always understand what is truly beneficial. He might not put his own personal advantage before that of the country, but he will never put the latter before the former. He will sincerely and actively work for the country's advancement if it is parallel with his own, but very seldom will he understand its advancement if not parallel with his own, and never when detrimentally opposed to it, except he be a patriot. Then how can we reasonably expect our present form of Government to be j suitable to this colony, in the absence of that true patriotism which is such an absolutely necessary virtue to make it suitable ? How can we expect of our representatives and rulei % 3 to raise themselves above their own individual wants and individual interests, and only to use their power for the welfare of the country, for which they feel no particular love ? How can we expect to sacrifice themselves upon the altar of their adopted country ? It is but foolish to expect it. Wherefrom should their patriotism come ? And yet this patriotism is the only guarantee we can have, as to bo sure that they will not misuse the power we entrust them with. What difference can it possibly make whether there be a Central Government for both islands, or a separate one for each? They will have in either case the choice to misuse power, and their deliberations and conclusions will in either case be largely influenced by their personal individual interest, even if we are fortunate in only choosing men possessed with a proper sense of honour. Why not form our Constitution so that their own interest can but little, or not all, come into antagonism with the interest of the country? Why not alter the Constitution so as to give them only the power of advancing the interest of the country, but none to advance their own, excepting in the latter ? To do this we must first of all deal with our means, and must not leave it to any body of men coining into possession of the Government benches, to distribute aud appropriate these means according to what they may deem beneficial to the wolfaro of tlie country. Wo must come to a definite conclusion as to what portion of the whole revenue of every portion of our colony is necessary towards the conducting of the general management of the colony as a whole, and how much is just and equitable for the requirements of every portion. Let these portions be clearly defined ; lot the local wan La and requirements be deliberated upon only by local bodies, and the general requirements by a general body of men. Local control, subject to the geucial control ; and the general subject to the local. Make the local control as .extensive aud many headed, and select the general controling body out of the local, and dependant upon the other, bnt never leavo it to one body of men to appropriate and control cur means. Prevent log-rolling, and only expect our representatives to be men like ourselves, true to the purpose for which we came here, that is to better their own condition. I'm afraid I have trespassed too much upon your valuable space, and must unwillingly conclude iny letter, but, if permitted, shall endeavour j in my next to define more clearly the rough I outline I have sketched out.— Euclosiug my card, I am, &c, J. D. Jfusus. [We suggest to our correspondent to practice the art of condensation. Our space is limited, and a long letter, merely from its 1 length, is often necessarily excluded.— Ed.]