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PROPOSED LOCAL SELF - GOVERNMENT.

W* append the excellent speech delivered by Mr' H. Ellis at (he receut public meeting at Pupakiva, and of which, through pressure up»n our spaor, wo were able only to furnish a brief out lin • in Saturday's issue. We make no npology for inserting the wh ile speech, which will be found well worthy ol perusal :—: — Mr. Ellis said he rose to second the amendment pro tortnft, wot but that he perfectly agreed with the inteution, and spirit of Mr, Andrew's proposition, but he had not been con-iulted in time to enable him to understand all its details. With respect to what had already fallen from previous speakers on the important subject of loenl self-government, he thought it was cause for congratulation that so large an amount of instructive aud edifying information had beeu laid before the meeting. It seemed to him, however, that that was not the most difficult part of the question. The difficulty lay not in ascertaining and deciding on the proper form of local self-govern-ment, but in allowing how it could be obtain-d and set on foot in a complete and satisfactory manner. Already the ground was more than fully occupied by the presence of two distiuct systems of govern? merit, the one only more inefficient aud extravagant th*n the other. How were these to be got rid of, and how was an efficient and economical Hystem of local government to be edged in so as to have any fair ch^nco of success ? Such were thu difficulties of th« poiitiou. It must, he said, be admitted on all hands that the preseut condition of the country, on the great subject of government, w»> most uuaatisfadtory — unBatUfa< tory in view of the principle, or rather absence of principle, on which the Government of the country was based, ani at least equally unsatisfactory in view ot the practical results, with which they were all only too familiar. Tno-e results were heavy public burdens, in the shape of exorbitant and unproductive taxation, — oumbrou-, complicated, and often obstructive laws — together with the aosence of reasonable f*c lities, particularly in the North, for the speedy and efficient development of the natural resources of the country. (Hear, hear.) These results, said he, gentlemen, you have in connection not only with the General Govemm<*nt,but with provincial institutions as well. Jn short, wherever they lo -ked, and whererer thej inquired, the same eoniequences met them in every direction — incompetence in *dministrati»n, extravagance of expenditure, aud jobbeiy an- 1 logrolling in legislation. These were the heads under which might be classified the long catalogue of abuses wuich for a series of years have been entwining themselves with the daily routine of the so-called management of our public affairs. He said it was not his inteution to-day to go into the details of these leiulta, or to attempt anything so tedious as to trace them down to their small beginnings. It was enough for them to know that the results were there, — that they wished to get rid of them,— and the que-tion to be answered is, how is this to be done ? He said a good deal bad been heard from time to time, pro and con., about the merits and demerits of centralism and provincialism. He felt it would be as pro6tless as it was now unnecessary to go into this disous.ion. In fact the question h^d received its solution long ago, not perhapn in all respects as the partizans on either side could have desired — by the triumph of their party, but in a muoh more substantial, because more impartial, manner, viz., by the progress of events, which had, he thought,'- fully demonstrated to all alike that neither proviuci*ii*(n nor centralism w»i what fcheeountry needed, but rather the extension of the principle of local self government, under the protection of a paternal administration. (Hear, hear.) He said ; Observe, if you please, these terms. He held that what the country needed, both North and South, was the extension of the principle of endowed local self-government, under the protection of a paternal administration. (Applause ) What he meant by that was an &dministr<tti >a ot public affairs that would take a direct general interest in the prosperity of all seofcions of the country alike. He asietted that neither the General Government nor the Provincial Government had done this, or could do it. They all very well knew that the Provincial Government had neither the means nor the power to carry out au effective system of local ■elf-government— (cheers) — but, worse still, it had uot the necessary impartiality, even if it had the mean*. (Hear, hear.) Kvery one kuew that there were influence* at work in the management of provincial institutions which all but forbade the possibility of impartial administration. _ He might quote » number of examples in illustration of this from the working of the present Highway Boards throughout the province, if it were necessary, or if time permitte l. But he wax satisfied with hi* position, that . the hystem of Provincial Government, whatever might be said of it in the pasr, ha<i now worked itself out, that it was no longer capable of meeting the circumstances of the country, and chat erelong it would be superseded by a more efficient, a more impartial, a more diffusive, and a more economical mode of government. (Cheers.) As for the General Government, he held that it was equally deficient in qualification* f»r our purpose, bhougo on other grounds. The great central Government of New Zealand was, in his (Mr. ■ .Ilia's) opinion, the very antipodes of what he understood by a ' • paternal government ; " it was precisely the opposite. It was, in fact, the essence an.) impersonation of rule by partisanship. It, in effect, lived and fattened, not upon the unity, peace, and prosparity of the provinces over which it ruled, but rather upon the quarrel and jealoasi sof its rival supporters — upon the feuds and animosities of its uncon^euial and most ill-assorted prot€g€s. Here then is our position. Deapite the obstructions, colonisation is on the march ; population is increasing ; the c mntry is rising into life. New districts before unheard of, and old ones rapidly forcing their Way to influence and importance, are everywhere c*lliug aloud for interposition — (or some system of effective, economical self-government tuned to their circumstances. They are, he said, calling for this, but they are calling in vain; and they will call in vain •o long as a huge central government, with its nine provincial lreche«, are permitted to absorb among themselves annually upwards of a miiliou of money— the hard earning! of the people of this country, one shilling of which is not spent in this province at the present time on any reproductive work whatever. ( Cheers. ) I Mr. Buckland said that a portion of this went to meet the public debt of the colony. , Mr. Ellis : Of course, it did. And here he would notice an observation of Mr. Buckland's — that it would be difficult for the country to meet its public engagements for some time to come. I Mr. Buckland denied having sad anything to show that the colony would not be able honourably to meet its engagements. ' Mr. Eulis : But your remarks were to the effect that it would put us to our metal to do so. Mr. BuoklaND : Precisely so. Mr. ELLIS : Then I will show you where the difficulty lies. Very little over one-fourth of the general reveuue of the colony is required for this purpose; the remainder is spent, as it ought not to be spent, on extensive establishments and high salaries, which might be done without. Mr. Buckxand : Your calculation is wrong. Mr. Ellis : Ihe permanent charge*, less the Pan.ma subsidy, are afcout £270,000. While the estimated revenue for this year is £1.080,000. ' Mr. Buoklan» : What about the provincial debts ? ' Mr. Ellis : lam speaking of the General Government, of things as they are. But even if we include ithe provincial debt, the balance will be greatly ;against the extravagance of the present rate of exipeudi<ure. No one denies that local selfgovernment must be granted to the people. The (General Government conceded as much, the Proivincial party did the same ; each, of course, in its iown way, but each with the reservation implied, if {not expressed, of maintaining intact its own posiition as heretofore. Now, this was simply impossible. jit was utterly incompatible with the claims of liberty, and with the smallest hope of anything like economical local self-government for the people. He believed that a good system of lonal selfgovernment, especially for the North, could never be hinged on to an a<lministr*ti.»n composed of nuch elements as now ruled the colony. He had an example of this in the Shires Bill of the Government of .last session. Without attempting to point out all the oefects of that measure, he would allude briefly to one littta epixode in connection with it. 'I hey were all aware that one of the m st pleasing features i.f that bill wa<* the pr p<isal to give the country districts £2 for £1 rawed i»y local rate. Now, supposing that measure had been accepted by the I uountry, and become law, where would the local : boards find themselves by this time ? They were all i ftwace, that the estimated revenue would this y>»r [ Fail Miort by po»8i« ly ilOQ,000 ; and, if Mr. Fitzherbert by any chance 'did not succeed in negotiating the Mir lim loan ,of £26i»,000, the General Government would this year be short some £360,000. Did anyone sui pose that in that case faith would first l>e kept with, the, local board-, and that the pretentious {establishments of the Government add the salaries ot its high officials would be allowed to go unpaid 1 No one, he thought, was simple enough to believe kbit. But ht had •toonger •vidoace against the

inadaptability of the G«ner«d Government of the colony to carry out ft proper system of looal selfgovernment. Ho had it in the nature of it* own ood a traction, «nd in the character of its working. It was altogether too cumbrous anduntildy, hh well as too inaccessible, to be a*>le to accommodate itself to a system of .ill-pervading local self-govern-ment. He would go father still, and assert that efficient economical local self-government un 'e> the present circumstances of the country munt rise, if it rose at all, not si«le by side with, but upou the ruins of, all such extravagant, centralizing, autocratic sy«tems an was that of tbe great central Grove- nment of New Zealand at the present time The two systems wereinoampatible with each other. I heoue was extreme simplicity; the other wu extravagant in sta'e and coailiuess. The one aimed only at producing the largest amount of praotioal good, without show of any kind, in return for the means placed at its disposal for that purpose ; the other, forsooth, ha. l a position to maintain and appearances to keep up not always of a character sympathised in by the Great Unwashed, who nevertheless in the meantime were squeezed to within an inch of their life to supply the wherewithal for that purpose. Mow, would anyone tell him (Mr. Ellis) that the existing Governments were going to reform all this — that some day they would become reasonable and economical, and permit the people to share with them some small portion of the immense revenue they nowanmully expand upon themselves? H ail anybody faith in tliis ? Was it not a farce to make allusion to anything ot the kind? They all very well knew that at that moment the keyuote of the Government throughout the country w«s "increased taxation." And who would pt event this? What had their representatives dono for the past three years to inspire them with confidence that they would oppose, or he a«le to preveur, an 1 increase of the burdens of the i eople? Who was it that increased the Customs tariff some 25 per cent, thiee yean ago? Who aided the Government in pasting the stamp duties the session before l*«t, thereby increasing taxation some £70,000 or £80,000 j per annum? Who was it that voted away last year Nome 60,000 or 70.000 acres of perhaps tbe best laans of the province to please the General Government, and that for some paltry consideration ? Who was it again that, almost unanimously, a few year* ago passed the now n tenons Civil Service Peusion Act, thereby increa ing unnecessarily the pormaneut burdeus of the country ? He did nut a-k these questious with the view of fixing the responsibility on this person t r on that, but simply by. way of illustrating the kind of policy which, as a wh Je, the representatives of this province h»ve been pursuing for the last few years. And if there was no understood arrangement Minoug them for acting differently for the future, what guarantee had they that they would act differently ? (Hear.) Would he be told that this session our representatives to a man would vote against increased taxation. Well, that would not be so bad ; but was that enough? Would thab be all? Did anyoue suppose that the current demands of the Government would n«t he met ? Th*y might depend upou it that they would, and that unless their public men were prepared wich some definite proposals to lay before the country for a very different kind of government than that which now prevailed, they would effect no more this session than they had effected ob former occasions. (Applause.) Mr. Ellis concluded by saying thut, had time permitted, and but for the discoU'agement occasioned by the paucity of tbe meeting, he was prepared to suggest more definite measures, and a more comprehensive ulan of operation.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DSC18680615.2.36

Bibliographic details

Daily Southern Cross, Volume XXIV, Issue 3405, 15 June 1868, Page 5

Word Count
2,290

PROPOSED LOCAL SELF – GOVERNMENT. Daily Southern Cross, Volume XXIV, Issue 3405, 15 June 1868, Page 5

PROPOSED LOCAL SELF – GOVERNMENT. Daily Southern Cross, Volume XXIV, Issue 3405, 15 June 1868, Page 5