SELF-DEFENCE OF BRITISH COLONIES.

Daily Southern Cross, Volume XVI, Issue 1207, 21 January 1859, Page 4

SELF-DEFENCE OF BRITISH COLONIES.

The following is a copy of a despatch from the Right Hon. bir F. B. Lytton to the GovernorGeneral of the Leeward Islands : — Downing street, July 31. Sir, — I have replied generally in another despatch to the explanations wiih which you have favoured me on the Antigta riots ; but I am anxious to draw your attention to one consideration in particular arising out of these disturbances. I desire to imprest upon you, and through you upon the colony which you govern, the extreme importance of raising and maintaining from local resources, and by local efforts, such a military force as will by its preseuce guarantee the safety, dignity, and internal peace of xt\e country. On a reference to the records of past years, I have observed that in many of the West Indian colonies local corps were established, and, as I believe, efficiently kept up. It is with a feeling of mortification that* I perceive that these wise precautions have been -laid aside under the impression of a false economy. It is the natural wish of her Majesty's Government to contribute to the safety and protection of the distant dependencies of the British Crown, but the necessities of the empire have withdrawn many troops, and may compel the withdrawal of more. In a critical period ot our history, these necessities at home, and a 6train upon our resources, both in men and means, have called forth the generous and loyal sympathies of her Majesty's subjects in many parts of her colonial empire. But it is not alone by the material addition of a new regiment to the line, or by munificent contributions in aid of those who have experienced the sufferings and losses of a barlbarous warfare, or by the expression of loyalty and devotion, that the English colonies can give the mother country an effective support in seasons of trial and difficulty. It is by evoking the means of self-defence and internal protection, by enabling this, country to avail herself to the utmost of her own military resources, and by dispensing with the troops which, so long as could be spared, have been freely given, that the West Indian colonies will best mark the spirit which, I am persuaded, animates them. It is i sacrifice which the mother country has a Tight to claim, and which the colony ought to be the first to approve. It was, therefore, with gratification that I have observed during the recent riots the .readiness with which so many gentlemen have hastened to enrol themselves on the side of order, and to place their services at the disposal of the Governor. It ia with still greater satisfaction that I have learnt the intention to form volunteer corps, alike to secure the colony from aggression from abroad and to maintain peace at home. The more tully that this feeling is con(firmed and that these precautions are adopted the less will be the probability of the danger, and the more the discipline and the efficiency that can be •communicated to the new force, the less will be the expense and the difficulty in preserving a high standard hereafter. There can be no safety to life or security to property, and to the transactions of commerce in that community which does not earnestly and ie6olutely -aeek to develop within itself the requisite force to vindicate the dignity of it* own laws against the outbreaks of internal disorder. I "watch with interest the progress which the .colony under your government is making in thin important and salutary direction, and her Majesty looks with confidence to the loyalty and good feeling of the inhabitants of her West Indian colonies in rendering their utmost support to the authorities in this somewhat difficult, but necessary and laudable undertaking. You will take an early oppoTt-uuly of making these sentiments known to the Legislature of Anligua.—I have, &c, E. B. Lttton. To Governor Hamilton, &o. f% |

The following oration delivered by the Hon. Joseph. Howe, in Nora Scotia — at the Democratic Festival— in. answer to the toast, "Our Mother Country!'' is extracted from the 'Boston Daily Traveller/ "Mr. Howe said— If this be a Democratic feast, all I will say of it is, that Monsieur Soye-r could not improve the viands, that the wines have a most aristocratic flavour, and that the fruits and flowers might be set upon the table of the gods. I do not know whether I am a Demorat or not, but I have been fighting half my life at the North, to make every man, whatever his creed, or origin, or complexion, equal in the eye of one responsible government, equal in the presence of universal lawa. We Englishmen are endeavouring to combine in one general system the torty States and Provinces which compose the British Empire, scattered over every clime, embracing 300,000,000 of people, speaking every language ; and, while combining them, we desire to develop their resources by free trade with ' each other, and, if possible, with allthe world. If the democracy of this country are striving ao to •ombine the thirty- one State* of this confederacy,

[ then I wish you success with all my heart. (Applause.) You would be fools and madmen, called to this vocation, in possession of half a continent, filled with boundless resources, with a glorious history to reflect upon and boundless resources to develop, if from any want, of skill or statesmanship ' you failed to preserve tins Union. England, Ireland, I and Scotland, who do not envy but glory in your prosperity, would despire you if you did. British America, whose interests are involved in your success, would deeply regret the dissolution of this g-reat confederacy. The sentiment which you have just given does honor to your feast and to your nation. << Our Mother Country." Why should we not love and honor her? Why should she not respect and appreciate us.? Your fathers and grandfathers and mine fought out, like brave men as they were, their differences of opinion. And I, though' a British subject, have lived to rejoice that we were beaten in that old war, for human liberty and civilisation, the world over, even in the British Islands themselves, have gained more by your victories than would have been gained had your rights been trodden down. But, bear in mind, my friends, that the>Britons of the present day are not those who oppressed you. Your rivals in commerce, and arts, and arms, they may be, but, thank God, they are at last your iriends. Ardent lovers of liberty like yourselves, they have worked out, under other' forms, the great problem of self-government. Comprehending the destiny ol the British races, they are gratified to see you on one half of this Continent, ruling your thirty republics, while we at the North are laying slowly, but secutely, the^foundations of a great empire. It would ,be strange, indeed, Mr. Chairman, if New England did not love Old England with all'her heart. How closely do the two countries resemble each other. On every side, as I ramble over your beautiful States, contrasts which do not displease are blended with aspects highly characteristic of the two countries. I see England in your busy marts and thriving manufactories — in your substantial structures — in your permanent enclosures — in ' the beautiful cottage homes of your farmers — and in the villas of your merchant princes. I see her in your love of shade trees and flowers which droop over your highways and are festooned around your city mansions. I see in her the neatness and thrift which everywhere prevail— in your free Press— in your free Parliaments — in your love of education — and in your reverence for the Bible. Why then should you not Jove your mother country? Why should not we, men of the North and South, mutually love each other ? We do. We will. We must. Fraternal feelings are a necessity of our natures. I would as soon shoot a Russian as a dog, if I met him in open conflict. But to slay an American would seem like conitnitting a great crime— like fratricide or murder. There can be no lawful war between us. No war that is not opposed to the higher laws which spring from our common history, and govern our mental and moral organizations. We have it is true, been politically divided for three-fourthsofaeentury. But what is that to the two thousand years during which our blood, and laws, our fortunes were the same ? We were the same people from Runnymedeto 1688. Your ancestors and mine wrung from tyrannic kings and corrupt ministers the great charters which preserved the liberties of the world, under which you were trained for independence — in which may be discovered the spirit of the Declaration you have read to-day. Our fathers carried the Red Cross Banner at the Crusades, flaunted their White and Red Rases in each other's faces at the civil wars, and at Agincourt, Cresiy, and Poiotiers, bent their bows and wielded their battle-axes for the honor and to the eternal glory of "our mother country.'' In the struggles oi the Reformation, and in the later civil wars, you had your share. At Ramilies and Oudenard, and at Quebec, our ancestors fought side by side. Marlborough and Wolfe are yours. Shakspere, and Milton, and Spencer are yours. Russell, and Hampden, and even Chatham are yours. We have a common lot and part in all the great names that emblazon a common history, and have enriched a literature that we cannot divide. Shall it be said, then, that because an old fool like Lord North set us by the ears— that because the bad passions created by that first mad contest involved us in a second civil war, we are to fight again about any trifle, or that there can be any question of such magnitude as to turn back the great stream of our common thoughts, and set ub to cutting each other's throats ? God forbid. Shall we fight to test our courage ? It has been tested from Boadicea to Bunker's Hill, from Bunker's Hill to Waterloo. We know how you can fight, for we have tested your courage, sometimes to our cost. You know how John Bull conducts himself ia a fray, and as to our British Americans, though lovers of peace, a bracing climate gives vigour to the frame, and you can hardly see a boy in the British Provinces who, if there be reason good, would not as soon fight as eat his breakfast. But why should we? Such scenes as I have witnessed to-day assures me that we never shall. Such scenes as this are our best diplomacy. Let them ever abound, and let us carry our trumpets as the firemen did theirs this morning— ever filled with flowers. Not the least gratifying part of the proceedings of this day hat been to me the oratorical displays, with which I have been charmed. The Chinese have their Feast of Lanterns. But you hang out your intellectual lights, which would be too dazzling, but for the art and the courtesy with which their radiance is subdued. Before I sit down, sir, permit me to thank you for the great kindness extended to me on this occasion. Webster has departed from the scene of his great labours, Everett and Choate it has been my high privilege to hear to-day, in the meridian splendour of their reputations. I am pleased, however, to see, sir, in Che chair of this assembly, so able a representative of the rising race of orators and statesmen by whom the destinies of this great country will hereafter be controlled, and if in accordance with the order of proceedings, I beg to propose your health.

The EtfPERoa Nafoleon as a Fabmbk. — On Saturday the Emperor of the French, accompanied by Marshal Canrobert, Generals Ney and Fleury, and several other officers, went to visit the farms of Boiux, Vadenay, Cuperly Suippes, and Jonchery, which have been formed within the last four months | by his orders. He expressed great satisfaction at j the rapidity with which all the work-. h»d been executed. In addition to the barns and buildings for , the accommodation of the persons engaged on these farms, each of the establishments has sheds for 100 cows and 1200 sheep, and stabling for 20 horses; and already 4-00 cows ol the Breton, German, and Swiss breeds, more than 3000 sheep, with a number of English rams, and 30 fine breeding mares, have been collected there. Five other similar farms have been planned out, and will be completed in 1859. The establishment of these farms will be of great benefit for the country, by transforming land, which has been hitherto waste, into productive property. — Sun. Baron "Ward, the famed Yorkshire groom, who played so prominent a part at the court of Parma, died on the 5th of October, at Vienna. The history of thiB extraordinary man is full of remark able events. He left Yorkshire as a boy in the*, pay of Prince Lichtenstein, of Hungary, and after a four years' successful career on the turf at Vienna, as a jockey, he became employed by the then reigning Duke of Lucca. He was at Lucca promoted from the stable to be valet to his royal highness. This service he performed up to 1846. About that period he was made Master of the Horse to the ducal court. Eventually he became Minister of the Household and Minister of Finance, which office he held when the duke abdicated in 1848. At this period he became an active agent of Austria during the revolution- As Austria triumphed he returned tp Parma as Prime Minister, and negotiated the abdication of Charles II., and placed the youthful Charles UL on the throne , who, it will be rememcered, was assinated before his own place in 1854. It should be observed that as as soon as Charles III. came to the throne; the then Baron Ward was sent to Germany by his patron as minister plenipotentiary to represent Parma at the cuurt of Vienna. This post he held up to the time of his royal patron's tragical end. When the present Duchess llegent assumed state authority, Ward retired from public life, and took to agricultural pursuits in the Austrian dominions. Without any educational foundation he contrived to write and speak German, French, and Italian, and conducted the affairs of state with considerable cleverness, if not with J remarkable straightforwardness. Baron Ward was' married to a humble person of Vienna, and has left four children. Perhaps no man of modern times passed^a more varied and romantic life than Ward, the groom, statesman, and friend of sovereign. From the stable he rose to the highest offices of a little kingdom at a period of great European political interest, and died in retirement, pursuing the rustic occupation of a iarmer, carrying to the grave with him many curious acrana imperii.