HOUSE OF COMMONS—Feb. 21. CEYLON and GUIANA.

Daily Southern Cross, Volume 4, Issue 209, 23 June 1849, Page 3

HOUSE OF COMMONS— Feb. 21. CEYLON and GUIANA.

Mr. Baillie rose to move for a select committee to inquire into the grievances complained of in the Crown colonies of Ceylon and British Guiana, and to report to the house whether any measures can be adopted for the better administration and government of those dependencies. The hon. member commenced the speech, with which he prefaced this motion, by alluding at some length to the inefficiency of the Colonial office. This defect was calculated to operate injuriously to the colonies, no matter how active, energetic, earnest or liberal might be the man who presided over the colonial department. But. in addition to this, the colonies had lately been subjected to the bitterest disappointments by the acts of one, who, when in opposicion, ■rave utterance to sentiments which led them to expect much from him when in power. But it was not simply of inefficiency that he accused the cole nial department. He had a far heavier charge to

bring against it. He charged it emphatically with tyranny and oppression. Nor did he stop here — his indictment, including other counts, containing accusations of wasteful and extravagant expenditure of the colonial resources. This expenditure rendered it necessary to impose heavy burdens on the colonies, which were now intolerable, from the altered circumstances of some of them. For this there would be no remedy, until they conceded to the colonies the complete control over their expenditure, and the complete management of their own affairs. In other words, the Colonial office must entirely change its system. The time for such a change had at length arrived, and the ruin of many of our colonies would be the result of its being much longer delayed. In proof of the extravagance which characterized our colonial expenditure, the hon. gentleman contrasted it with the cost at which our American colonies were formerly governed, and cited Mr. Merrivale, the permanent under- secretary, to show that enhanced expenditure had not been accompanied by better colonial government. The present taxation of the colony of Guiana was 2s. 6d. a-head, or about one-sixth more per head than the taxation of Great E itain. Some of them had liberal and representative governments, whilst others were subjected to a pure and simple despotism. It was to the latter class of colonies that he called the attention of the house. First in this class he placed the great and important colony of Ceylon. The hon. gentleman then proceeded to criticise at great length the government of Lord Torrington in that colony — a government which, in its main features, appeared to have received the unreserved sanction of Lord Grey. A blundering financial experiment had driven the unhappy people into rebellion , whereupon the utmost severities were practised to reduce them to obedience. They had heard much lately of the atrocities committed by Prince Windischgratz at Vienna. But in that capital only two or three of the leaders were executed, after an insurrection of no ordinary character. In Ceylon, however, the case was different. The rebellion there was as contemptible as that which had recently occurred in Ireland. In both cases the insurgents "extemporised a king when they thought they needed one, and in both cases they abandoned him in his hour of need. The rebellion was suppressed without loss of life on the part of Her Majesty's troops. Yet, after its suppression, no less than eighteen persons were executed by martial law, whilst a great riftmber of others were sentenced to different degrees of punishment short of that which was capital. And it so happened, that some of the chief leaders were only transported, whilst capital punishment was chiefly confined to subordinates. Nor was this all, for in some cases the executions were characterised by the greatest brutality. Indeed, it was only in Spain that they could discover anything like a parallel to the brutalities which had occurred in Ceylon ; and if General Narvaez had practised them, we would never have heard the last of it in this country. It appeared, also, that confiscations as well as executions were the order of the day in Ceylon. Yet this was the system of administration which had received Lord Grey's unequivocal sanction. The last act of the drama was of a piece with all that had preceded it. He alluded to the bill of indemnity, which Lord Torrington was anxious to obtain as soon as he had discovered that he had acted illegally. To obtain the indemnity, the, governor summoned the council of the colony. This council consisted of fourteen persons, most, if not all, of whom were appointed either by the governor or by the colonial office. It was a most instructive commentary on Lord Torrington's conduct, that the council, although thus constituted, was divided as to the question of indemnity, seven voting for, and seven against it, the bill being ultimately carried by Lord Torrington's casting vote 1 He appealed to the house if, in all this, he had not made out a case for the most searching parliamentary inquiry. The selection of such a man as Lord Torrington, whose antecedents had in no way capacitated him for it, to fill such a post, was not only an injustice to the noble lord himself, but also to the colony whicn he seemed destined to ruin. The hon. gentleman next called the attention of the house to another scene of colonial misgovernment — British Guiana. No colony at one time gave more promise than this, whilst none was now in bo deplorable a condition. In proof of this, he proceeded to Bhow that, both financially and commercially, that colony had almost sounded the lowest depths of ruin. He closely connected this state of the colony with the policy of the Colonial department, and amused the house with many instances which he cited to it of extravagance in that colony. Amongst these was the case of the sexton of Georgetown, who received a-year. He was sorry that Mr. Barkly had sacrificed his consistency, by accepting the appointment of governor of Guiana He asked the house if the colonies could long continue without ruin under such a system as he had depicted ? No doubt Mr. Hawes, in his reply, would be very liberal, in his own and his chief's name, in his professions to the house. But professions without acts had been ton long the order of the day. It was of liberal propositions without liberal acting that the colonists complained. Neither Mr. Hawes nor bis chief any long longer enjoyed their confidence. As to Lord Grey, how could the colonies do otherwise than complain of him, seeing that in office he had not carried out one liberal principle enunciated by him in opposition ? How could they any longer repose any confidence in a minister who stood convicted of a deliberate attempt to mislead Parliament as regarded the real condition of the island of Jamaica — in a minister who perverted truth to the purpose of party. Such a minister should no lon* ger be allowed to preside over the colonial department. But for the dislocated state of the opposition, he would have been expelled fi'om it long ago. The time for forbearance had now passed, and he j hoped that no fear of casting censure on the government would deter the majority of the house from demanding the inquiry for which he now moved. Mr. Hume seconded the motion. In doing so, he observed that Lord Grey's conduct, since he came into office, threw the utmost discredit upon his ca. reer in opposition. His colleagues were culpable in not having got rid of him long ago. As to Lord Torrington, it would be a disgrace to the ministry if the order for his recall were not made out in 24 hours. He thought that the hon. gentleman had made out an irresistible case for inquiry. Let the house, without fear of consequences, grant that inquiryMr. Ricardo moved, as an amendment, the addition, after the words " dependencies" in the motion,

of the following words :— ', Whereby they may be rendered more capable of meeting the difficulties of the transition from a system of protection to that competition in the British market with the produce of foreign stares, to which Parliament has determined that they should be exposed, in accordance with the general commercial policy which it has deliberately adopted " He maintained that Mr. Baillie's motion, although assuming the guise of an inquiry into the state of the colonies of Ceylon and British Guiana, was, in reality, an attempt to revert to the principle of protection. He was no friend of the colonies who flattered them with the idea that there was a possibility of a return to protection. As to Lord Grey, he had been called to the post which he now held at a period of great difficulty — a fact which should be borne in mind by those who censured him. Mr. Hawes, in a speech of considerable length, defended ihe Colonial- office from the charges brought against it, concludiug his observations by stating that at that moment, when obloquy was surround*, ing him, he wished not to flinch from his share of it ; he only wished he could share the honour of having done half the duty or discharged half the useful functions of his noble chief. Believing, as he did, that his lordship's administration aud patronage had been honest, and his measures good and wise, he confidently left the case ia the hands of the house. Sir W. Molesworth contended, in a speech of great length, that it was the excessive and increasing taxation in Ceylon which bad produced the events which occurred last year. He was convinced that by transferring the government of Ceylon to the Indian administration an annual saving of £130,000 a year might be effected. Mr. Adderley, did not think that this motion was in reality an attack on individuals. As for Earl Grey, so far from proposing a vote of censure upon him, he would readily give him a vote of | thanks, as to a man who seemed to have been raised up by providence for the express purpose of damn- j ing the system with which he was connected. , Mr. F. Scott supported the motion. j Sir Robert Peel did not like either the motion or the amendment, but he was bound to say that there were ample grounds in the book which related to Ceylon to justify inquiry, and that public advantage would result from it. He could not conceal the fact that the reading of these documents had left a very unsatisfactory impression on his mind, regretting, as he did, the general tone in which the despatches were written. He made full allowance for the position of a governor in difficult times ; he did not quarrel with Lord Torrington, for having shown a determination to prevent the rebellion, or to suppress it after it had commenced. Still, he thought it would have been perfectly consistent with the demonstration of the greatest vigour, to have spoken in a very different tone and temper with regard to the executions which took place, and which a great necessity imposed upon him. Lord J. Russell defended the conduct of Lord Torrington and Earl Grey, in a speech of some length, and was followed by Mr. Labouchere. After a conversation, Mr. Ricardo withdrew his amendment, Mr. Baillie consenting to put his motion in the followiug form :— " That a select committee be appointed to inquire into the grievances complained of by the crown colonies of Ceylon and British Guiana, in connection with the administration and government of those dependencies ; and to report their opinion whether any measure can be adopted for the redress of any grievances which they may have shown just reason to complain of." To this motion Mr. Hume suggested adding the following words :— " And to inquire whether any measure can be adopted for the better administration and government of those colonies for the future." This addition was accepted by Mr. Baillie, and the motion as altered was agreed to. The house then adjourned.