DEFENCE OF NEW ZEALAND

Dominion, Volume 31, Issue 153, 25 March 1938, Page 12

DEFENCE OF NEW ZEALAND

Hon. W. Perry’s Plea For Immediate Action GRAVE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION Meeting Of Citizens Unanimously Urges Increase In Forces Because of the grave international situation, there was the direst necessity to take immediate steps to organise the defence of the country, said the Hon. W. Perry, M.L.C., in an address under the auspices of the Wellington branch of the New Zealand Defence League to 800 citizens in the Wellington Town Hall la«t night. Mr. Perry dealt with the international situation from the viewpoint of the defence of New Zealand, and, at the conclusion of his address, the meeting unanimously decided to suggest to the Government the advisability of increasing the military forces and formhig a citizens’ militia force. Instruction to the civilian population in the use of gas-masks was also suggested.

The mayor of Wellington, Mr. T. C. A. Hislop, who presided., referred to the dearth of territorials and the necessity for the people being made aware of what was required in the way of defence so that if enough were not being done they could get behind the New Zealand Defence League and see that more was done without further delay.

Mr. Hislop apologised for the absence of the Minister of Education (Hon. P Fraser). Colonel C. H. Weston, Mr C. H. Chapman, M.P., Mr. Rocke O’Shea, general secretary of the New Zealand Manufacturers’ Federation, Mr. F. W. Millar, general secretary of the New Zealand Publie Service Association, and Sir George Shirtclift'e. "I feel it a great privilege to have the opportunity of presiding here tonight,” said Mr. Hislop. “Mr. Perry needs no formal introduction to a Wellington audience. I have particular ptrasure in presiding, not because Mi Perry is an old friend of mine, not because he and I along witli many others were members of the New Zea land' Division in the Great War. not because he is a distinguished citizen, but because I know he has given year? of study to the problem of defence He is to put before you his views on this subject in an attempt to rouse the country to a realisation of the situation. The purpose of this meeting is simply to give a message through you to the people of New Zealand and make them r.ware of the realities of the situation. Then through the thousands of our fellow-countrymen we can assure the Government of our support in the provision of adequate defence. “This meeting is in no sense political. Defence should never be a subject of party bickering, but should transcend everything. Adequate and proper defence is simply an insurance that we shall hold for our young people what we have inherited ourselves. Just as insurance in the commercial sense is sound business practice, so then should we insure, in a wider sense, against the loss of our freedom, the loss of our country, and the betrayal of those who are to conic after us. That is the purpose of the convenors of this meeting, and it is a subject of intense interest to the people to-day. Only to-day, I went through some deep tunnels in preparation for the city sewerage service, and I heard it said what splendid places these would make for shelter from bombs. What an idea to contemplate twenty years after the war to end war, yet those passing remarks show the atmosphere to-day.” The League Powerless. When people read of the events in Europe, continued Mr. Hislop, they should ask themselves what could be done. At the end of the war, the League of Nations was formed. Britain sacrificed her world stiength and because from the point of view of material force impotent and powerless. She reduced her naval power lower than lor centuries in her history, and also her armed forces. Japan moved against Maneliukuo and later decided to send tin armed force into China. The League raised its hands in horror, but Japan carried on with its policy. Then followed Italy’s annexation of Abyssinia. The League tried.a boycott, but its attempted sanctions failed, and Italy went on and conquered Abyssinia. The League had protested at German expansion in Austria, but that country had .now become an integral part of Germany. The League had been powerless to control the nations. Ils members made an impressive total numerically, but Britain and France were the only great nations left in it. Could the people continue to say that the League could setile present problems when recent history pointed to the contrary? It was necessary to face the realities of the moment and do what had to be done. The great purpose of ib,e meeting was to rouse the people to ii realisation of where they stood. The Government was doing various things. The people wanted to know what should be done. They should obtain information from experts and find I out wha, should properly be done to I defend the country. Then, if enough was not be,ng done, there would be forthcoming the backing of the people to see that enough was dene. Failure of Present System-

"We have in this country a volunteer territorial force, a permanent force, and also an air force, but the question is, is that enough?” continued Mr. Hislop., ”1 was present by invitation at a display of the mechanised defence of this country, held at Fort Dorset a month or two ago. That parade was small, very smalt, but very efficient. It showed, however, that of up-to-date anti-aircraft guns in this country there are only four. We have enthusiasm among our permanent units, but the numbers tire deplorably small. Thin, there are the volunteers. A battalion at full strength numbers 1000 men. 1 saw roughly 200 men, and they called that a battalion. I pay my tribute of respect to those 200 volunteers. A camp was held recently at Waiouru, in the National Park. There were three batteries, numbering 11, 18 and 23 respectively. and the numbers of the staff for their instruction was 47. At Dannevirke, a camp for Hie medical corps was held, there being 18 officers and 18 other ranks. A camp at Auckland attracted 11 officers and 0 other ranks. Well, doesn’t that show that, despite the patriotism and self-sacrifice of those who do take the position seriously', there has been a deplorable failure of the present system. A matter such as this is of paramount importance to everyone. We have been lucky compared will) other countries, but we must guard our fertile country.” A voice: How long are we going to keep it?

Mr. Hislop: That’s exactly the question that you and thousands of our people have to answer. I have the deepest, possible pleasure, therefore,

and with full support for his patriotic activities in introducing to you Mr. Perry. Mr. Perry said it was indeed gratifying to the Wellington branch of the New Zealand Defence lyeague to find such a large audience assembled for its first public meeting in Wellington. It was clear evidence that thinking people of New Zealand were at last coming to realise that the country had certain obligations as a member of the League of Nations and of the British Commonwealth of Nations and that it was necessary to have sufficient armed forces to honour those' obligations. The British Prime Minister had said that £1,500,000.000 would not be sufficient to enable Great Britain to carry out her rearmament programme, and nobody knew what sum would be required before .1940, if the nation was fortunate to arrive at that date without a catastrophe occurring first. He would examine some of the causes that bad led to the colossal expenditure on rearmament. Era of Broken Treaties. The post-war era had been one of broken treaties. Most people remembered the Shock the civilised world received wlicu Germany broke the treaty guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium, but treaty-breaking ' was now a commonplace. Treaties were broken every day, and it seemed that international immorality had already come and the rule of force had arrived in the world. After the war the League of Nations had been relied on to keep tlie peace. It was established by the Treaty of Versailles, tp which New Zealand was a signatory and under which New Zealand had just as many rights and liabilities as Great Britain herself. One of New Zealand’s obligations under the covenant of the League of Nations was to hejp to provide sufficient forces for the League to protect the covenant. That obligation sjill survived, but the League, unfortunately, had failed as an instrument for the settling of international disputes. In .1935 Japan had invaded China, a fellow-member of the League. Since then Italy had invaded Abyssinia and, despite the imposition of sanctions, bad proceeded and accomplished her purpose. In that case the League bad done something, but when the application of oil sanctions and the use of force were proposed the League failed. In 1936 Germany, under Hlder, had entered the demilitarised zone in the Rhineland. Many/people thought that in doing that he merely broke the Treaty of Versailles, but that was not so. It was the Locarno Pact, to which Germany was a free and voluntary signatory, that was broken. Covenant Not a Protection. "Now,” said Mr. Perry, “we see Britain and France as the firstclass Powers inside the League, and outside it Germany. Jgpan, and America, so we must face the fact that the covenant of the League is no longer a protection for the citizens of New Zealand. This fact was realised in England in 1936, when Mr. Anthony Edon, then Foreign Secretary, announced the abandonment of sanctions against Italy.”

For many years after Hie war Britain, from the purest motives of peace and its a gesture to the world, embarked on disarmament and relied on the League of Nations, but with the rise of dictatorship Powers and the increase in their armed strength the League crumbled, and Britain, who lut'd disarmed at grave risk, found that her voice counted for nothing in the councils of tlie nations. No notice was tak.n of her words by the strong Powers and therefore she was suffering humiliation after humiliation. The first humiliation came in 1931, when Britain. France and other Powers sent a strongly-worded note to Japan respecting her attack against China. Then there had been the invasion of Abyssinia and tlie occupation of the Rhineland. After the occupation of the Rhineland the British Foreign Office had sent a note to Germany asking what Germany's intentions were, but that note had not been answered yet. In 1937 a British Ambassador iu China was wounded and no apology, much less reparation, had come from Japan. Tlie crowning humiliation had occurred just recently. It was announced that Great Britain desired conversations about the peace of Europe, but the request was (mswered with the coup by which Germany, almost overnight, took’ control of Austria. It appeared that tlie rule of force had succeeded tlie rule of law. Britain’s Small Forces. Figures published by the League of Nations showed that the world speu* £1.400,000,000 on armaments in 11)36 and that 200.000,000 men were known to tie under arms in 1936. although )< was stressed that tlie figures were not accurate because of tlie secrecy of some nations. The number of men under arms in Europe in that year was equal to the number in 1913. If tlie total strength of the British Army, Air Force and Navy were known they would bs found to be an infinitesimal part of the total number under arms in Europe then.

"The essential is speed.” said the speaker in turning to rearmament. The First Lord of the Admiralty, Sir Samuel Hoare, had referred in 1030 to the “rebuilding of the navy.” He had done so because, by the Treaty of London. despile the warnings of Admirals Jellicoe and Beatty that the number of cruisers required by Great Britain was 70. the Government agreed to possessing only' 50, and a few years ago the

nation had possessed no more than 34 effective cruisers.

“Now, after all that neglect, as it may be called, the dockyards are working at high pressure, but the question we have to consider is, Will there be time?” said Mr. Perry. “In 1939 or 1940, by which time our programme will be complete, we may breathe more freely, but what I fear is that we will not have time and that the nations unfriendly toward us are not going to be so obliging as to wait until we are ready.”

Mr. Perry pointed out that Great Britain was going to build battleships of tons with 16-inch guns, and said she was doing so because Japan would not promise to build ships of that power. Quoting a recent Press cablegram reporting that relaxing of the conditions of labour was being considered in Britain to enable more work to be put into rearmament, Mr. Perry said: “As we are assembled here tonight a conference is being held in England between employees and employers with a view to speeding up rearmament. If it is necessary for Britain to speed up, then New Zealand must follow suit. The Defence League saw this danger in 1936, and before, but its voice was as a voice crying in the wilderness and it failed to get very much public support.” The formation of the league had followed the receipt of a letter from Sir Andrew Bussell, commander of the New Zealand Division during the war, in 1936. It was written from England and predicted many changes in international affairs and in the strategy of the British Empire that had since come to pass, including agreement between Germany and Itqly about Austria. . “I suggest that Mussolini, gave Hitler a free hand in Austria in consideration for Hitler giving Italy a free hand in the Mediterranean.” said Mr. Perry. Sir Andrew Russell bad said that the thing to do was to open people’s eyes to the danger.

r Only the other day Great Britain had been faced with a decision in re- ; gard to Czechoslovakia similar to that t with which she had been faced in reI gard to Belgium in 1914, and might ? still have to make a decision, said the i speaker. Czechoslovakia would be the t next country to go; and after that 1 Yugoslavia, and Rumania. With that Hitler would have realised the dream I of Bismark—domination from her own - borders to the Mediterranean. If that ’ happened what would the Little Eli--1 tente countries think of their friends, • Britain and France? Perhaps Yugo--5 slavia and Rumania would be driven ■ under the protection of Germany and ■ Britain would find herself friendless in '■ an unfriendly world. That was the i position that had to be faced New Zealand had to act speedily. A display of solidarity was necessary, but it. must be manifested by deeds, not « words. It must be remembered that the tate . of New Zealand might be decided miles ■ from New Zealand, as in the last war it had been decided in Palestine and ’ Flanders. It might again be necessary • to send an expeditionary force overI seas. However, it was clear that New i Zealand’s first line of defence was the navy and he hoped that the Goiern- ; meat of the Dominion, would see that the unit in its waters became stronger : and stronger, for the protection of our ; shores and as a contribution to the defence of the Empire. Invasion Fears. The Government had done much to . expand the Air Force of New Zealand ’ by pjioeuring machines and building aerodromes and securing an officer from England to. advise, but it was doubtful whether there was time to do all that was needed and he was afraid we were not going fast enough. Very few people had contemplated the possibility of invasion of New Zealand, but it might surprise them to know that in 1920 invasion of Australia was seriously considered by the Government and officers of the country, and if there was any possibility of invasion of Australia there was an equal or even greater possibility of invasion of New Zealand. It would be easier to take and occupy than Australia. With Germany. Italy ami Japan on one side and Great Britain on the other it would not be difficult for Japan to invade New Zealand. Some might think it fantastic to say that New Zealand might be seized,, but Mr. Chamberlain had said that the maintenance of naval bases in other parts of the world was not as important as the defence of Great Britain’s shores. One could visualise the possibility of Britain being unable to spare forces for the defence of the Dominion The very same principle had been enunciated by the "Round Table” in 1936. What a fantastic idea it would have been if anyone a few months ago bad suggested that Japan would be in charge of the International Settlement at Shanghai and what a fantastic thing it might seem to suggest that Japan wonk] be in charge of Hong-Kong! A woman: No, no! Leaving the question of invasion out, Mr. Perry continued, the possibility of an air raid could be considered. He suggested that Japanese aircraft carriers could carry bombers close enough for them to bomb cities of Australia and New Zealand with impunity. An interjeclor: What is the China Squadron doing? , Mr. Perry: If may be in the North Sea. Bigger Force Needed.

Mr. Perry -stressed the necessity for an army or Territorial force of good strength in New Zealand. Some sixmouths ago. lie said, tlie Minister of Defence had announced a reorganisation of the defence forces, but wiiat was the position at tlie present time? Tlie mayor had told them what he bad seen. Eight thousand men were required for the Territorial forces, yet at the present time there were not more than from 1500 to 2000 efficient recruits. Apparently, the result of the recruiting was deplorable, with the exception of tlie coastal batteries. Let them take their minds back 30 years, when there were eight companies in the Wellington Regimen'. In 1901, on the occasion of the visit of tlie Duke and Duchess of York, afterward King 1 George V and Queen Mary, to Christchurch, a review was held attended by 20.000 men. .

It was difficult to suggest reasons for the deplorable lack of recruits. Sufficient encouragement was not given by employers or by the Government. The men who joined should have better conditions and better pay. Mr. Perry referred to the army of 400 000 men in the Philippine Islands, and said that if the Filipinos could do that then New Zealand could surely do something better in proportion than at present. "New Zealand lias got to pull her weight in the boat of the British Commonwealth of Nations," said Mr. Perry, “and not sit idle while .he craft drifts toward a cataract. We have got to have men trained for defence forces. What are wanted are—’’ A voice: Six hundred aeroplanes. Mr. Petry: —soldiers, not reerui's. In conclusion, I want to say this to you. As a people, we are proud to lie a democracy, but democracy will not survive merely by reason of its own virtue. It can only stand against the shocks which history has taught us to expect by the willingness of the people to make personal sacrifices. It is the duty of every citizen, male and femaifi.

to give some kind of service, military or civil, to assist the Government in providing adequate defence forces for the country in order that institutions which we hold dear may be maintained and retained by us and not thrown away.” Questions Answered. “If the situation is as serious as you claim, how about giving the entire Public Service six weeks’ holiday, the first fortnight on full pay and the remainder in camp, thus making them the first line of defence?” was the first question Mr. Perry was asked. “I wouldn’t object to that,” be replied, “but they could not all go at once. The Public Service ought to be encouraged by the Government to join some,of the defence forces, and while they sire away at camp, their pay should be made up. "I think this is hardly si question.” remarked the mayor, reading from a slip handed to Mr. Perry, the following words: “To end war, get all the dictators and put them up against a wall.” “I’m afraid we’d have to catch them first,” said Mr. Hislop. In reply to the question, "why not a paid army or n citizen army," Mr. Perry said he agreed it was desirable A voice: What about the 40-hour week ?

Mr. Perry: IS I may commit the uispardonable sin’of quoting myself, I said in the Legislative Council that I would vote for a 40-hour week in every .industry if those who received it would devote part of the extra time to the defence of their country. In reply to another question. Mr Perry said he certainly thought ’ the regulations for joining thq forces .cousJ be made less rigid. Carried Unanimously. The following motion moved by Mr. W. H. Barnard and seconded by Mr G. M. Tolhurst, was carried uuaui mously:— “That this meeting of citizens of Wellington urges the Government, in view of the grave international situation. to take immediate steps to organise the whole of the country’s resources to meet any crisis that maj arise. It is suggested:— "(1) That the man-power of the military forces should be very considerably increased as the defending of New Zealand’s lengthy eoai-tliue must necei-sarily require very large * forces. "(2) That a militia force of citi zens over the age limit for territorials be formed to operate under the military command. » "(3) That the civilian population be so organised that in time of na tional crisis there .will be as little confusion as possible. "(4) That tlie civilian population be instructed in the use of gas masks and in the method of gas decontamination. "(5) That all public and private transport be so organised as to be of • greatest use to the Government at the shortest notice. “(6) That the Government treat the defence of New Zealand and the British Commonwealth of-Nations as a national matter and requii t the eo-operation and utilise the services of all members of Parliament ami citizens throughout- the Dominion for this purpose'.” A show of hands was taken to determine how many itt the audience were prepared to devote one day a week toward doing something to encourage the defence of New Zealand, and there was a ready response. When those who were not prepared to devote one day a week to this cause were asked to show their right hands, three hands only went up. “Three hands divided between two people,” remarked the mayor. "They are relying on the rest defending them, though they don’t deserve it.” Motions of thanks to the mayor for presiding, moved by Colonel C. E. Butcher and seconded by Mr. 11. M. Haycock, and to Mr. Perry for bis address, moved by Colonel R. St. J. Beere and seconded by Mrs. A. R. Smith, were carried by acclamation. Applications for membership to the New. Zealand Defence League may be made to Colonel D. Colquhoun, P.O. Box 1273, Wellington.