INDIA’S PLACE IN EMPIRE

Dominion, Volume 24, Issue 50, 22 November 1930, Page 11

INDIA’S PLACE IN EMPIRE

Essentials for Peace and Prosperity EQUALITY OF STATUS WITH DOMINIONS Is Country Ready for Full Responsibility? (British Official Wireless.) Rugby, November 20. The Indian Round Table Conference • resumed its general discussion this morning. Owing to the length of some speeches only -14 speakers have been heard in the past three days. It is hoped that with a time limit for speeches exercised at the discretion of the president, a greater number of speakers will be heard in a

Atmosphere of Goodwill. Continuing the general discussion at the Conference, the Nawab of Bhopal said that they met in an atmosphere of goodwill, which had been fostered throughout his Vice-Royalty by Lord Irwin, one of the greatest Viceroys and best friends India had ever had. In such atmosphere they should be able to settle the essentials for securing the future peace, happiness, and prosperity of India as a contented member, equal in status with the rest of the community of self-govern-ing nations constituting the British Empire. He added that the Indian States could contribute a stabilising factor in the constitution of a United Federal India. The federation would concern itself solely in matters of common interest, to be defined by mutual consent. The federation also must be equal on both sides, and there could be no question of the status of the States being in any way subordinate to that of the rest of India. On those conditions he entirely agreed with the principle of federation. He emphasised that among the Princes no rift existed as between Moslems and Hindus, and that in the Indian States communal tension was practically non-existent. There yas nothing in their respective religions which should lead to any ill-will, and the reason why it had arisen in British India had been solely, political. Rights of Workers. Mr. Joshi, speaking on behalf of the workers of India, said that he and Shiva Rao had come to s the Conference in the hope that with the help and sympathy of other delegates the constitution of self-governing India would be framed. They would like first that the constitution should contain a declaration of the fundamental right? of the workers; secondly, that the constitution should be founded upon universal suffrage, and, thirdly, that labour legislation should always remain a subject for the Federal Government, which should retain power of control and supervision in its enforcement. The Changing East. The Begum of Nawaz, one of the two women in the Conference, pointed out that her presence as a Moslem woman, belonging to a family which had always observed strict purdah, was an illustration that the so-called unchanging East was unchanging no longer. Ten years ago nobody would have thought that Indian women could come to London and participate in a political conference. Yet to-day not only a Hindu woman, but a Moslem, belonging to a family the women of which observed the strictest purdah, was sitting at a round-table with her brethren, evolving a constitution. She added that the women of India, which was a reviving nation, must rejoice at its awakening, but they must .also real-

declaration was Dominion status, and that the implication of the words used was Dominion status. He spoke for Parliament, as well as the Liberal section of the delegation, in declaring that what had been promised stood. There could be no difference of opinion regarding the goal, and they would do everything possible toward reaching that goal. But he must bo forgiven if he used a strong expression, which, however, was only what he had heard in different directions from many present, when he said that it was idle to say that at this moment there eould be anything like equality of status in India with the Dominions; idle, because there were other questions, such as the army and foreign affairs, that came in, which must be discussed and, indeed, no one could more freely have recognised this than Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru. Finally, however, it was Parliament that had to be persuaded. One of the striking things about the reliable litera turc available for them was that in the Government of India’s report the Viceroy and the members of the Council, both British and Indian, gave views which differed but little from the conclusions arrived at in the main by the Statutory Commission. Regarding the main question now under discussion the Statutory Commission laid great stress upon federation, and sought to make it the ultimate goal. The Government of India took the same view, but rtgardecl it as more distant. Since then a great change had taken place, because the Princes had explained their position. They did not ail agree in detail, but he hoped that they would arrive at conclusions when they tried to settle the great question. Ranji on India’s Aspirations. The Maharajah of Nawanagar, better known to the English-speaking world as Ranji, the famous cricketer, emphasised tlie vital necessity of satisfying the aspirations of India as a whole, if she was to continue a contented member of the British Commonwealth. Britain had done well by India in developing her resources, modernising many of her institutions, and, above all, in establishing peace and tranquillity. He saw no reason why federation should not be effected as soon as the difficult matters requiring adjustment could be settled. While asking for federation the ruling Princes also asked for a judicial ascertainment of the rights of the States. Uncertainty attaching to the conception of paramountcy should give place to a clear formula which should be a considered decision by a competent and impartial tribunal. Sir Provash Mitter. representing the landlords of the different provinces, said that they desired a constitution ensuring the protection of their interests with those of other minorities,.with adequate representation for the class, both in the provinces and in the centre. No political arrangement in India had a chance of success unless firmly rooted in the structure of Indian' society. By acceding to the sentiment of the people, with due safeguards, nnft securing the free affection of India, Britain’s position in the world Would be pre-eminent, not onlv in the sphere of trade and commerce, but also in maintaining world peace. Position of Depressed Classes. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, speaking on behalf of the depressed classes, a community of 43,000,01)0, explained that their status was individually distinct from that of any other Indian community, and was midway between serf and slave, except for the additional handicap of untouchability. They had welcomed the British as deliverers from the age-long tyranny and oppression o£ orthodox Hindus, but they found instead of advancing that they were marking time. Only with a Swaraj Constitution could they stand a chance of having political power in their own hands, without which they could not bring salvation to their people. They did nof want a Government that would only mean a change of masters, but one really representative. Mr. Kanakarayan T. Paul, representative of the 5,000,00 Indian Christian minority, while urging Dominion status for India, expressed the belief that the Conference would lay down genera, standards of equitable treatment to al citizens without prejudice or favour, and that the Central Government would be made strong enough to oversee. effective maintenance of such standards in actual practice in all the Provinces and States. Sir Abdul Quiyum expressed the view that the federal system was the only way for India to make progress and be united. He pressed the claims of the North-W estern frontier Province to greater control of its own affairs, and urged that it should not be treated as an inferior unit in the federation. . . , , , Mr. M. A. Jinnah, British Indian delegate said that the cardinal practice guiding them in their deliberations was India s desire to be mistress in her own house, and he could not conceive of any Constitution they could frame which would not transfer responsibility to the Central Government or to a Cabinet responsible to it. Obviously, there must be safeguards during the transitional period, and for the interests which existed in India. He welcomed warmly the patriotic attitude of the Princes. Placating Congress. Mr Srinivasa Castri, said that two ideas’had emerged, those of Dominion status and of federation. The latter was comparatively new, and he confessed himself a convert. He hoped that in the committees to which these great topics would go nothing would be done to weaken one at the expense of the other.. The fear n the minds of many British people, when they contemplated a large advance i in constitutional status, that the machinery might pass into the hands of the India National Congress' Party was not unreasonable, but the pacificatory steps new recommended were calculated to win over once more their hearts to ways of lovaltv and ordered progress. Sardar Sahibzada Sultan Ahmed Khan, of tiie Gwalior State, said that it was no small tribute to the great and enduring work Englishmen had done in India and for India that there should lie practically n universal demand for the establishment there of British institutions. No thinking Indian believed that to-day India: eould shoulder the entire responsibility of a full-fledged Dominion. That position could only be reached by stages. Therefore, there was no foundation for fear that if India was declared to possess the status of a Dominion, nnmediate demands for transferring to Indian shoulders the entire responsibility of government and defence would be made. Fazl-ul-Htiq, a leading Bengal Moslem, said that the present moment was most opportune for settling the differences which had distracted India, but if th® deiegatk® failed

ise the tremendous responsibility guiding the younger generations along the straight road. In a big country like India, with so many different races and interests, the principle, of federation could alone succeed. The golden day for their country would be when Indian India and British India could link themselves for common purposes, forming themselves into one great nation. She hoped that the Conference would give Indian women an adequate share in the administration of the nation, with equal status within the Commonwealth. The Constitution Desired. Sir Mirza Ismail, Prime Minister of Mysore, said that the success of the conference would be tested mainlyy how far they had been able to bung England and India closer together the bonds of true friendship and unity. There was general agreement in the con ference and outside that the future government of India should be eonstructed on a federal basis. India was a land M many creeds and many communities. He believed the very diversity would go far to ensure the requisite Stan dard in democratic institutions that it was proposed should be established. The Indian sections of the conference were also agreed that a measure of responsibility should be introduced at the centre, if the constitution was to work satisfactorily and enjoy an adequate measure of confidence from the peop e. A constitution which provides full autonomy in the provinces, responsibility at the centre, subject to such transitional safeguards as may be necessary and unavoidable, and tut close association between Bntisn India and the States in matters ot common concern—this, let us hope, may be the result of our deliberations here. Sir llamaswami Ayyar, Indian Liberal, said that federation, not as a distant ideal, but practical politics, en visaged by the Indian princes, had made the Government of India’s dispatch out. of date. The only way of Procuring peace, contentment and comradeship Imtween India and England was to ham | mer out a system ot government which would give the most restless spiuts oi India to feel that they had brought into being a constitution worth working in. Then the conference would have achieved a great result. Lord Reading on Advances of the East. Lord Reading, former Viceroy, and one of tbe British delegates, said that the conference was memorable b eca "? e it differed from previous practice by giving India n chance to put her ease before and not after the Government l ad each ed conclusions. He referred to the aston ishing advances made by the Last and the notable change indicated by thei presence of tbe princes with British Ind representatives, feeling the common call of the Mother Country. Referring to the demand for an ati vance in constitutional government, Lora Reading said that Dominion status was a vague term and had never been defined, but no one doubted that what was meant I by it was a status equal to that of the : other Dominions, and very many questions must be considered and discussed before the ultimate goal they were striving for could be attained. Speaking for those with whom lie was associated, however, lie. would say that they fully accepted the statement Dmi natural th® Mill

come to an agreed settlement, the task of framing the constitution would fall on the British people, in which case he urged them to remember the legitimate aspirations of 70,000,000 of Mussulmans as well as those of other minority communities.

Sir Pheroze Sethna, Parsee and Liberal, also emphasised that India would be satisfied with nothing short of Dornin ion status, with safeguards (luring the transition period, and said that Indians, if only given opportunities, could worthily undertake any position entrusted to them, and the same applied to the army.

Place of Englishmen in India.

Sir Akbar Hyduri, representing the Nizam of Hyderabad, asked delegates from British India, who bad shown such strength of mind and patriotism in coming to the Conference in face of so much opposition and contumely, to work for a constitution which would ensure a Government, national in every sense, but which by its stability would endure, and not merely satisfy the uninstructed for the moment.

If the British Parliament gave responsibility to a great Indian federal policy within the Empire, Englishmen who had done so much for India in the past could have a welcome and honourable place in the India of the future.

Sir Cliimanlal Setalvad assured minorities that the majority of the community would be able to agree to such safeguards as would satisfy them. Indians knew they would commit mistakes and that for sonic time their administration would be comparatively inefficient, but they were determined to go through that stage. “We may not manage, be said, "things as efficiently as you are doing now, but it is our affair, and we want to be allowed to manage it ourselves.”