THE UNIT OF SELF DETERMINATION

Dominion, Volume 14, Issue 244, 9 July 1921, Page 7

THE UNIT OF SELF DETERMINATION

Sir, —Might I point out to your correspondent, the secretary of the Irish Self-Determination League, that the Unionists of Ireland are at one with him in regarding partition as a hateful expedient, and that they assented to it for one reason only—that it was the onlv alternative to civil war. They opposed Home Bule for reasons which ware partly sentimental and partly economic. They wore convinced that the Home Bule movement on the part of Nationalists and. Sinn'Fciners alike was a treasonable conspiracy, and that it was their duty as British citizens to hold Lister for the Empire. The statement that Ireland is "held in thrall’’ by England is, of course, ridiculous. She is an equal partner in the government of the United. Kingdom with England and Scotland, and. has had the largest proportional representation of the three. Ulster, moreover, is differentiated by, the fact that her interests are industrial while those of the rest of Ireland are almost entirely agricultural. Agriculture in these days of food shortage would be safe under almost any government. The industries of the north-east corner, on the other hand, are competitive, and are often carried on on a very narrow margin of profit. Mismanagement, therefore, on the part of her government might, bring the whole fabric of her industrial organisation crashing about her ears. It has been said that the cotton trade of Manchester is "balanced on a knife s edge,” notwithstanding that it is carried on among the vast mineral resources of Lancashire. How much more delicate must be the balance in Ulster where there are no mineral resources, and where practically every pound of her raw materials must be imported. So far, the Nationalists and Sinn Eeinera have not produced one single man whom the Unionists could respect as a constructive etatesm an, and the experiment of ruling Ireland by a parliament composed of Smn Feiners wholly inexperienced in the art of government, and returned by an ignorant peasantry, must necessarily be a most risky one. The industrial population of Belfast may well demand, apart from all sentimental reasons, that their vast interests should lie in their own hands till their political opponents have gained experience and proved their anility to rule. “Show us,” eaid Sir Edwara < Carson, "that you can rule your own part of Ireland efficiently, and with justice to your protestant minority, and we will come in with you." That the Unionists have just cause for caution is proved by tho inefficient and costly management ot Irish municipal affairs. Previous to the war, Belfast carried on her municipal operations to the satisfaction of her citizens on a rate of 6s. 6d. in the pound. The rate in th* three largest B-.C. cities, Dublin, Cork, and Limerick, was 16s. in the pound, due to what the R.C. Bishop of Clare has called "the gross corruption in Irish municipal affairs.” Some time ago a member of the Limerick City Council publicly "thanked God that they had now an absolutely Catholic corporation, that there was not one member of the council or a person in its employ, from, the town clerk to the humblest labourer, who was not a member of the ancient Church.” Hero we have self-determina-tion with a vengeance, and the result was that Limerick’s city rates were almost three times those of Unionist Belfast. The Sinn Fein Party is evidently about to embark on a vigorous campaign to win the sympathies of th loyal people of New Zealand for theiF cause. Before allowing themselves to lie persuaded, let the latter remember that there is no alternative between the present compromise and the coercion of the most loyal population in the British Empire-I am, etc., uaw.’iii.i. July 7, 1921-