The Dominion THURSDAY, JUNE 9, 1921. THE ULSTER PARLIAMENT

Dominion, Volume 14, Issue 218, 9 June 1921, Page 4

The Dominion THURSDAY, JUNE 9, 1921. THE ULSTER PARLIAMENT

The opening of. the Ulster Parliament is a big event in the history of Ireland and that of the Empire—an event which in spite of the turmoil and disorder still prevalent in Southern Ireland raises tangible hopes of ultimate peace. With a Parliament of Northern Ireland sitting in Belfast it will certainly not be easier for the Sinn Fein leaders to justify the campaign of lawlessness in which they aro endeavouring to enforce impossible demands. No amount of sophistry or impassioned rhetoric on the part of De Valera and his associates can dispose of the fact that. Ulster now actually enjoys at least a considerable instalment of the autonomy Ireland has so long been demanding, or of the still more pertinent fact that it is perfectly open to the people of the South and West not only t.o take up jhe same powers of selfgovernment, Lut to secure their speedy enlargement. Although it works out in bloodshed and tragedy a Sinn Fein movement which serves only to block the extension and development of self-government in Ireland is evidently a ridiculous anachronism. Sooner or later it is bound to appear in that light to the peonle its leaders and organisers profess to represent. If Southern Ireland is still to be plunged in terrorism and upheaval while Home Rule is an accomplished fact in Ulster it will become apparent that it is not British but •Sinn Fein statesmanship that is bankrupt in Ireland. As the career of the Ulster Parliament extends, it. is bound to become clearer- that the Sinn Feiners are- now solely responsible for delaying the establishment of Home Bule for the whole of Ireland.

Though it- is limited bv the reservation of certain powers "until the date of Irish union,” the measure of local self-government nonceded to Ulster is in itself considerable. Under the Government of Ireland Act, the Northern and Southern Parliaments are alike empowered to make laws for the peace, order, and good government’ of their respective areas, and arc given a limited control over taxation. Self-governing authority in each, case is limited only by the specific reservations set forth in the Act. These reservations are in two main categories. The first covers affairs of Imperial concern reserved to the Imperial Parliament. Of these the most important are the Crown, defence, foreign policy, and some aspects of trade and taxation. Complete control of Customs taxation is reserved to the Imperial Parliament. Control of the police is reserved temporarily. Reservations in the second category relate to governing powers which are withheld only until a Parliament for the whole of Ireland is established to lake them over. These Include /Control of the postal service-, the Post Office Savings Bank and trustee savings banks, the registration of deeds, and the Public Record Office. Obviously, divided control of the Post Office and some other Departments in Ireland would be unworkable, and the transfer of control over such Departments is of necessity postponed until the date of Irish union. Apart from these temporary reservations which it is open to the Irish people to lift whenever they please, the self-governing powers -which aro offered to Ireland, and which Ulster is now exercising, are virtually on a. pay with those exercised in the Dominions, except in regard to defence. foreign policv, and finance. The Government of Ireland Act is a long and exceedingly complex measure, but. this Is approximately the nosition it is intended to create, nnd, within the limits indicated, has created in Ulster.

Although extended authority over taxation in Ireland in meantime retained bv the Imperial Parliament land as the Act stands would ho retained even in the event of Irish union), the financial adjustment nroposed is. on the face of it, very liberal to Ireland. At the outset Ireland’s contribution towards Imperial liabilities and expenditure is .to be T 15.000,000 a vear. Against this, however, the British Government transfers to Ireland land annuities amounting to £.'1,000,000 a vear, so that the net Irish contribution to the Imperial Exchequer, towards debt and war pension charges, the cost of the Army and Navy, and other Imperial services, is £15,000,000. On n population basis Ireland would have, to find more than twice this sum as her share of interest alone on the national debt. No doubt if Southern Ireland is induced by Ulster’s lead and example to accept the liberal measure of Home R.ule ' offered in the Government of Ireland Act, a considerable amount of controversy wil> centre on finance. Possibly in that case a Parliament representing the whole of Ireland may demand fiscal autonomy. Such n demand could hardly he resisted indefinitely if due provision were made for an adequate annual contribution to the cost of Imperial services. It has been suggested that if she were given complete fiscal autonomy Ireland might raise a hostile "tariff against Greet Britain, but such a step would be so diametrically opposed to her own economic interests that it would hardly commend itself on sober reflection. It. seems probable, in any case, that the estab*lishnient of the Northern Parliament may profoundly influence tho whole course of events in Ireland. Some observers declare that the Sinn Reiners persisted to the last momenfi in refusing to believe that

Ulster’s acceptance of the Government of Ireland Act was anything but a gigantic bluff. With the opening of tiho Northern Parliament delusions of this kind are effectively dissipated, and the only rational policy open to Southern Ireland is to follow Ulster’s lead.