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The Dominion. FRIDAY, AUGUST 24, 1917. THE STOCKHOLM CONFERENCE

Although tho British Labour Contereiice has reaffirmed by a small majority .its decision to send delegates to the International Socialist Congress at Stockholm, the attendant circumstances will afford littlo comfort or / gratification to-pacifist advocates of negotiation with tho enemy. The substantial majority by which the conference voted in the 'first instance in favour of sending delegates to Stockholm has been reduced almost to tho disappearing point. Two weeks ago tho conference carried by 1,846,000 votes to 550,000 a motion that the invitation to send delegates to Stockholm'be accepted. In the division reported yesterday tbi/ s decision was reaffirmed, but by only 1,234,000 votes to 1,231,000.—a very bare majority. In considering these figures it has to bo remembered that although' the number of Labour adherents and trades .'anion members represented at tho conference is large, the number of representatives who do the actual voting is comparatively small. In the absence of a direct expression of opinion by the rank and file tho voting of their representatives has a somewhat nominal valuo. It Would ho absurd, in tho circumstances to regard the decision of tho conference as representing tho opinion and attitude of a majority in the British Labour movement. The opinion is freely expressed by a number of its own delegates that the decision of tho conference would be upset if a referendum were taken, and the refusal of a majority at the conference to consult the rank and file by means of a referendum suggests_ that those who support the decision aro of tho same opinion. That the majority against taking a referendum was larger than the majority in favour of sending delegates to Stockholm probably means that a number of the Labour leaders anticipate that the decision of the conference will be reversed by agreement, without the necessity of an appeal to tho rank and file of the constituent organisations. It certainly does not seem likely at present that the decision to meet enemy and other delegates at Stockholm will be upheld, but even as matters stand there are features of tho conference proceedings which afford reason for unqualified satisfaction. It is particularly noteworthy that the conference, as one cablegram states, orushingly ( defeated tho Executive's allocation proposals in regard to representatives at Stockholm, which included special representation of tho Independent Labour Party, tho British Socialist Party, and other minor bodies. This means that the conference has definitely parted company with the pacifists, who have opposed tho war from its commencement, and consistently advocate an inconclusivo peace. It will be remembered that in Juno last tho bodies mentioned and others, with- men liko Messrs. Philip Snowden and Ramsay Macdonald taking a prominent part, convened a conference at Leeds with a view to furthering their demand for peace by negotiation. On that occasion the London Times remarked : The'.Leeds Conference . . . was called by certain Socialist societies which are neither Tcry largo nor very powerful, and which represent no ono but themselves. The conveners ... in no way represent tho great moss of British Labour; they have been wholly out of touch with popular feeling sinco the war began, and have repeatedly como into violent conflict with it. If thev had had their way at tho beginning, Franco and Belgium would have been loft at the mercy of Germany and the Southern Slavs at the mercy of Austria. That was the policy they advocated, and abovo all things they objected to assisting Eussia in defence of Serbia. If they had had their way the Central Powers would long ero this havo had the whole of Europo under their heel, and among other consequences there would havo been no Eussian revolution at all. The Hohenzolleiii and tho Hamburg would have joined hands with tho Romanoff regime to rivet tho chains of a military autocracy on Europe. If British Labour is to bo represented at Stockholm—and this is far from being assurod—it is very necessary, in the interests nf accurate representation and on other ground o , that pacifists of tho Macdonaui and Snowdkn typo bhould not accom- j pany, other dologates who havo a bet-

ter claim to representative standing. The formula of peace by negotiation as it is used by these pretended champions of advanced democracy means that they desire their own country and its Allies to parley on even terms witli the criminals who have devastated Europe and set every law of God and man at defiance and grant them a peace which would leave them entrenched in power, and free to resume their schemes of conquest. To permit the advocates of such views to go abroad as representatives of British Labour would bo a crime, and tho decision of the conference to exclude them was demanded by elementary considerations of honesty and fair dealing. Tho conference would have acted still moro wisely if it had unreservedly rejected the invitation to send delegates to Stockholm. Acceptance of the invitation is admittedly favoured by some Labour kadcrs who aro not identified with the peacc-at-any-price minority, but their motives are rather difficult to penetrate. It is clear enough that the consultative conference which is proposed can servo no purpose of practical utility, while on tho other hand it may very possibly afford the enemy extended opportunities of furthering the intrigues in which he has sought to divido and distract the Allies. For practical purposes the merits of the question are settled by tho consideration that there is no effective division between the German Government as it is now constituted and tho political faction in Germany which proposes to send representatives to Stockholm, and no guaranteo that any such division is in prospect. Tho expressed views of the German Minority Socialists include in any caso a number of stipulations the concession of which would bo fatal to a lasting peace, and which the Allies will certainly not accept. For instance, they condemn the continuation of tho war to .determine tho fate of Poland and "Alsace-Lorraine. They condemn the economio isolation of States, which means presumably that they demand that no commercial penalty shall bo imposed on Germany when'the war has come to an end; and their condemnation of tho policy of dolonial conquest must bo read as a demand for tho restoration of tho German colonies. But oven if tho proposals of the Gorman Minority Socialists were in themselves acceptable, they would bo robbed of all practical importance by tho consideration that they emanate from a weak and irresponsible minority which_ wields no power, and carries no weight, in its own country. Ono passage- a manifesto issued by the Minority Socialists a couple; of months ago reads: Tho essential preliminary of a lasting peace is tlis independence of the Socialist parties in their relation with Imperialistic government. The German Socialists, Majority and Minority, have yet to take tho first step towards this position of independence, and Germany and her Allies are ,the only countries at war, and almost the only countries in Europe, to which the roproach applies. Even if there were no reason to regard the German Socialists as tho dutiful emissaries of the Kaisee and his Government, tho absolute futulity of discussing peace with enemy subjects who in no way represent their country would _bo apparent. If tho German Socialists were sincero they would prove their sincerity by working for reform at homo instead of talking about it abroad. Tho only argument of any weight which has been advanced by the British supporters of the conference is that it is necessary that the Russian delegates should hear British as well as enemy representations. It is tolerably certain, however, that a decision on tho- part of British Labour to decline any meeting with enemy reprcscntativcs_ whilo . the Hohenzolleens rule in (Germany would do moro to steady opinion in Russia than any amount of academic debate at Stockholm.

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Bibliographic details

Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3172, 24 August 1917, Page 4

Word Count
1,310

The Dominion. FRIDAY, AUGUST 24, 1917. THE STOCKHOLM CONFERENCE Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3172, 24 August 1917, Page 4

The Dominion. FRIDAY, AUGUST 24, 1917. THE STOCKHOLM CONFERENCE Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3172, 24 August 1917, Page 4