STINGING RETORT TO THE GERMAN CHANCELLOR

Dominion, Volume 8, Issue 2551, 27 August 1915, Page 7

STINGING RETORT TO THE GERMAN CHANCELLOR

SIR EDWARD GREY'S REPLY HOW BRITAIN STROVE UNAYAILINGLY FOR PEACE . j •. ' ' By Telegraph—Press Association—Copyright (Rec. August 26, 9:10' p.m.) ' ' "" „. , London, August 25. Sir Edward. Grey (Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs) in a letter to . the Press replies to Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg's recent speech in the Reichstag during the discussion on tho German War loan proposals. "Germany's publication of the conversation between tho Belgian Minister and a British .Military' Attache," ho says, "was intended to prove that Bel- i gium was in a plot with us against Germany. The f conversation referred only to the contingency of Belgium being attacked. As.. no Anglo-Belgian a"recluent existed why does Herr von Bethmann-Hollwegmention informal "conversations, ignoring the fact that I emphatically told the Belgian Minister in 1913 that wo desired, that Belgium's neutrality should be: respccted, and that wo would not seud troops into Belgium as long as no other Power violated' her neutrality. Nothing is more despicably mean than tho attempt to justify the deliberate violation of a noutrality which Gormany guaranteed, bringing against the innocent and inoffensive Belgian Government and people'a totally false charge that tliey had plotted against Germany. Herr von BothmaunHollweg does not emphasise the charge in his latest speech. Is the charge'' withdrawn? aud if so, will Germany make reparation for tho cruel wrong she has done Belgium ?' J : "I propose to publish the Foreign Office records showing that negotiations' for «n Anglo-German Agreement in 1912 had been brought to a point where it. became clear that these could not be successful unless we promised absolute neutrality, Germany remaining free to partake in. a .European war. Herr von Betlimann-Hollweg quotes an isolated sentoiico in.ray speech of August .3 to prove that Britain was ready for war. Ho does not quoco tho words: 'Wo aro going to suffer terribly whether we are in it or whether wo stand aside.' 1 leave it to anyone outside Germany to settle, himself, whether hounderstands what thoso words mean —whether 'we desirocl and. planned a European war, or whether we laboured to avert it. I never said anything so ridiculous. It is untrue that wo .wanted war in tho interest of Gormany and with tho object of restraining Russia." Germany Wholly Responsible. "War would have been avoided if a had been-agreed to. Germany, upon tho flimsiest pretext, shut the door against.it." I expressed mvBelf as being ready to acquiesce m any method of mediation' Germany could •' suggest if mine were unacceptable. I said that mediation was ready to come into operation by any method Germany thought possible,' if only .Germany would press the button in tho interest) of peace. Herr von Betlffiiann-Holl-weg encouraged nothing, except a direct discussion between Vieima and "Petrograd. What could have been our chance of success when we learnt afterwards of the GerniaJi Ambassador, at Vienna expressing tli'o. : opinion that Russia would stand aside, conveying the impression to his colleagues that he desired war from the first? Some day, perhaps, we shall knoiv-wTiafc really' passed between Germany and Austria respecting tho vltimatuiu to Serbia Its consequences have become only too apparent. "The conference we proposed, and which Russia, France, and Italy agreed to, and Germany vetoed, was the.only hope of peace, and it was such a°cood ' hope that Serbia accepted nearly , all tho Austrianultimatum, although it was - severe, and violent. The outstanding points could have been settled honourably and fairly by a week's conference. Germany must have known that ws would have taken tho same straight and honourable part in which she recognised we took in the Balkan Conference, working, not for a diplomatic victory for tho Entente group, - but for a fair settlement, aud opposing any • attempt to exploit the conforenco unfairly to the disadvantage of lustroGermany: • "Germany's refusal of the conference did not decide British participation hut it did decide the question of peace or war, and sign tho death-warrant of many hundreds of thousands. We must not fomot that the Tsar proposed' to the Kaiser that the Austro-Sorbian dispute should be settled at The Hague. Is tliere a candid soul in Aiistro-Gormany who, in a retrospection of the past year, does not regret that neither the British nor the Russian proposal was accepted? ,' . ■ • "Herr von Betlimann-Hollweg explains that the German programme is to control the destiny of all other nations, and be a shield of peace and freedom to bjg: and small nations. If Germany were supreme, Germany alone would he.free—free to break international treaties, free to crush when it pleased her, free to refuse all mediation, free to'go to war when it suited • her, free,, when warring, to break again all the rules of civilisation and humanity ' on land and sea. Tho freedom of the sea is reasonably a subject for discussion, definition, and agreement amongst the nations after the war, hut not while there is no freedom or security against war and Gorman war methods " upoii land." "The Allies Will Fight—Must Fight!" "If there bo guarantees against future war, let them be equal effective and comprehensive, binding Germany as well as tho other nations' ine'udinir ourselves. ' Germany is to be supreme, and the freedom of other nations is to lie that which Germany metes out to them. That is the conclusion to bo drawn from Herr Hollweg's speech, and Dr. Helfferich (the German Finance Minister) adds that the heavy burden of thousands of millions must be borne through the decades, not by Germany, but by those whom she is pleased to call tho instigators of the war. In other words, for decades the whole nations who have resisted her should labour to pay her tribute in the form of a war indemnity. Not on such terms can peace be concluded, nor the life of tho nations except Germany lis free or even tolerablo. Herr Hollweg and Dr Helfferich make it appear that Gerniany is fighting for supremacy and tribute. If that is so, then so long will tho Allies and wo fight, and must , fight, for tho right to livo, not under German supremacy, but in real freedom and safety." * i 'nio German Chancellor's Speech, to which Sir Edward Grey refers, was < severely condensed in transmission 1 , as is obvious, not only from the British Minister's points, but also from the cabled Tress comments which Wore pub- 1 linhod contemporaneously with the Chancellor's speech, and which made : references to matters not included in the cabled report of that speech. That ] portion of the speech to which Sir Edward's' remarks aro apropos, are ap- i pondedHerr von Bethniann-Hollweg, the German Chancellor, ' spoakinc in tho llcichstac;, charged tho Allies with blood-guiltiness in concealing the°real situation. England had already abandoned the fable that she was Sghtin<* for Belgium. She had strangled commerce and compelled neutral shins on ' the high seas to take British'crews on boai'd. Sho had occupied Creole islands Ho further accused Russia and England 'of" hypocrisy regarding the Persian 1 settlement, and accused King Edward of promoting a policy for Germany's' isolation. It was a calumny to accuse .Germany- of being guiltv of tlm war because she had refused England's proposals for a conference. "War becama unavoidable solely by the Russian mobilisation. Peaco, he added 'could onlv J be possible by the Germans holding an inviolable and strong position "En/ lpi]d's policy of the bnlance-of-powor," he Enid,'"must disappear. We must pwill tlic frndom of the mm, not for England to rulo over them, but that thw