The Dominion. TUESDAY, JULY 30, 1912. GERMANY AND RUSSIA.

Dominion, Volume 5, Issue 1505, 30 July 1912, Page 4

The Dominion. TUESDAY, JULY 30, 1912. GERMANY AND RUSSIA.

\ The most discussed question within the chancelleries of Europe at the present time is no doubt the future relations between Germany and Russia. That the German Emperor aims at the destruction of the Triple Entente by winning Russia's favour, and by alienating this Power froni Great Britain and France, is a facl so palpable that in Europe it u considered as part of Germany's settled foreign policy. When the German Emperor met the Tsar of Russia at Potsdam in November, 1910, tho world was immediately informed —from the Wilhelmstrasse—that agreements of a far-reaching and most momentous character had beer reached by the two Monarchs. The wish, of course, was father to the , thought. Germany's semi-officiai press indulged in eongs of jubilation, pretending to point the fingei of scorn at > discomfited England. Even usually cool, and well-inform-ed journalists in London agreed thai . there must be. some foundation foi a furore so extraordinary. One oi the number wrote in the Fortnighth Review: "At "Reval in June, 190! (when King Edward met the Tsar) the sun of Britain's diplomatic sue cess seemed at meridian. The Pots dam understanding of November, 1910, was not tho sunset, as thi organs of the German press allowec themselves to proclaim; but it migh' easily prove to be the first shadov of twilight and after." In spiti of all this, Germany's-enthusiasn was but simulated; it was, in time proved to be mere, empty, ccstatii bombast. M.' Sazonoff, it may b' recalled, disclosed the truth con cerning; what had taken place. "Thi discussion of every question raiscc at Potsdam," he explained to a re j presentative of Novoie Vrcmia rested upon the recognition of thi principle that the previous diplo matic basis-of the existing interna Mortal situation must be absolutely ' maintained in its whole integrity.' ' In other words, the two Emperor and their Ministers met on the un derstanding that the Triple Entente existed, and that it was to be main tained "in its whole integrity." Am • no treaty, momentous or immaterial was thon entered into between Ger many and Russia. The roxont mooting between tb< two Eranororß in the Baltic seems ti

ha,"rt! been equally barren of results. I And on this occasion no opportunj jty has been afforded Germany to f indulge in rhapsodical pleasantries. An official announcement was promptly made in St. Petersburg that, there had been no fresh agreement as the outcome of the meeting of the two Monarchs. Further, the St. Petersburg correspondent of the London Times reports precisely what was to be expected. He has positive grounds, he states, for asserting that tho Tsar is unalterably resolved to maintain and develop the existing alliance with France and the agreement with Great Britain. If this statement be accepted as correct—as it no doubt is—it would appear that the Triple Entails is securer now than it was two years ago. In 1910 the existence and maintenance of the Entente were but recognised; i a i9i2 the Emperor of .Russia that the Entente is to (je'iiot only maintained, but alsjEj developed Language such as tins, employed by the Tsar, might readily be construed into a rebuff for the Kaiser. In Paris the chief aaxioty seems to centre on the fear that the Kaiser will seek to involve jtiussia in an adventurous entanglement in Persia. Apparently the French public looks with equanimity upon German aims and ambitions in Europe. The Entente it clearly considers safe. That only Persia_ should seem liable to receive attentions from the Kaiser would appear to indicate that his power to make mischief in Europe has greatly decreased since his preposterous activities with respect to Morocco. The German Government has officially declared that it has no political interests in Persia, and pursues in that country purely commercial objects." Germany's trade with Persia is infinitesimal compared with that of Russia or Great Britain, and though it may possibly increase, years must elapse before_ it is worthy of serious consideration. Yet, if the German press could be believed, the Bagdad Railway is to be constructed, and the line laid down to Khanikin, on the Persian border, all to conserve Germany's commercial interests in.Western Asia. Apart from the meetings and discussions _of the two Sovereigns, public opinion in Germany on Russia's attitude—tainted though that opinion be by the influences of the Press Bureau—is always well worth considering. Russia, according to certain newspapers, has less" right to be in _ Persia than has Germany. "'Russia's claims in Persia," says one writer, "are best to be met by German battalions." A St. Petersburg journal had asked the question: "What does Germany want from us?" and the German writer proceeds: "Germany has a right to be astounded _at the impertinence of this question, which implies that Germany needs_ Russian permission for any of its aims,in Persia. . . . If we want an intermediary, there is only one —that is our own fighting power." An expression of opiuion such as this is far from suggesting friendly relations between the two Powers, and with many others published during the past three years, would almost warrant the assumption that Germany and Russia are not quite on the best of terms. The Aerenthal-Izvolsky incident has not been forgotten in St. Petersburg.* nor has the Kaiser's theatrical intervention on behalf of Austria-Hungary and against' Russia. A veritable feud it should be remembered, existed for many years between Russia and Germany. .It had its origin in the Berlin Congress when Russia was deprived of what she looked upon as her legitimate rights. The father of the present Tsar was strongly anti-Ger-man, and there are reasons for believing that Nicholas looks rather askance upon his restless and erratic brother potentate. No better objectlesson could have been provided Russia than the result of the Kaiser's tactless performances touching Morocco. War .would have been waged against France, but for the knowledge that the British fleet was prepared to attack the German, and so assist the ally of Russia. Germany would bave invaded France, knowing that Russia was bound -by treaty to aid France with the whole of her naval and military forces. Germany and Russia would thus have bwn at war. This circumstance alone should help to dispel illusions as to the Tsar and Kaiser becoming immediate allies.