The Dominion. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1911. GERMANY'S QUESTS.

Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 1233, 15 September 1911, Page 4

The Dominion. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1911. GERMANY'S QUESTS.

As time proceeds Germany's somewhat inexplicable incursions—her statesmen into the realms' of high diplomacy and her armed forces into the northern regions of Africa —have gradually assumed a form which, however hazardous, can at least be understood. It is difficult to believe that Germany would risk a war at the present time, a war which, for the Fatherland, might have unforeseen and disastrous results. But if everything cannot be achieved by the sword, something may be gained by diplomacy; and that even though it be of a decidedly Bismarckian flavour. Apparently what Germany at present desires is possession of a naval base, or of naval bases, on the west coast of Africa. Territory also, and plenty of it, seems to find a place upon her latest revised proGermany is now installed, in addition to_ her African colonics, at Kiao-Chau in China, and at various more or less valuable strategic points in the Pacific. Towards the end of March this year the fact became known that German diplomacy, without the factitious aid of a gunboat, had succeeded with the Young Turks, and that Alexandretta, on the Mediterranean, had been in effect added totho seaports and naval bases of the Kaiser. The latter monarch is unlike Alexander. There arc many countries to conquer and numerous naval bases to covet. Agadir, it would appear, was pre-eminently the object of Germany's quest in Morocco. Mr. Alan Ostler, a London newspaper correspondent, ' who a month ago was bundled out of Agadir by_ the Moorish authorities, gives a vivid description of this picturesque town and excellent harbour. There is a fortress at Agadir, and Mr. Ostler records it to be "almost as impenetrable as Lhasa, and as impregnable as Gibraltar." The Germans, Mr. Ostler says, , "could turn the place into an impregnable fortress and coaling station." Agadir, however, seems not destined just yet to provide a footing for Germany on the Moroccan seaboard. The British Note protesting against the establishment of a German naval base in Morocco having been accepted at the Wilhclmstrasse, Germany v.-ill doubtless in due time withdraw from Agadir. The selection of this Moroccan port demonstrates that Germany's search for naval bases and coaling

stations is carried out in no perfunctory manner. Agadir is assuredly not "a useless patch of undefended and indefensible sandbank," as certain newspapers have described it. We have seen how a London journalist regards the place as it is at tho present time. But Agadir was visited half a century ago by Dr.. Gerhard Roiilfs, who fully describes it in his book, Adventures which was published in London nearly forty years ago. _ Dr. Roelfs wrote: "Tho town is situated on a mountain, with almost perpendicular sides, about SOO feet in height. It is oblong in shape, with its narrowest part facing the sea. The high crenellated walls, as well as the bastions which flank them, are in good condition, as far as the exterior is concerned; but the material from which they are formed is bad, so that the town is quite inadequately defended against attack from Europeans." A Scandinavian traveller who visited xlgadir before Dr. Rohlfs is quoted by the latter as writing: "The harbour of Agadir is the finest on the whole coast, and the most important for the trade with the interior, particularly if it was in the hands of some European Power, which would find little difficulty in purchasing it, and derive increasing profits from it." Germany, finding obstacles in the way of her fortifying Agadir, now looks further south. In the name of "compensation" she demands the whole of the coast region of the French Congo with the hinterland as far as the Sanga River. Were France to agree to the whole of this transfer the area of German possessions in Western Central Africa would be doubled. Nor is this sufficient. Germany further demands the surrender to her of the right of pre-emption in the Congo Free State, which some years ago France acquired from Belgium. This request also granted. Germany would possess a wide belt of territory stretching across the whole of Equatorial Africa, completely cutting off South Africa from the north.

These vast territories arc, commercially, of no great value, but considered from the strategic point of view they are of prime importance. The British Government will no doubt have something very definite to-say concerning Germany's desire, to place herself from sea to sea between Britain's possessions in North and in- South Africa. Then there follows the question of sea-ports, which any day may become naval bases and coaling stations. That portion of the French Congo which Germany demands contains two ports of the first order: that ia, they occupy splendid natural positions and are capable of being strongly fortified. They are Libreville and Loango. The former, situated as it is on the Gaboon estuary, which is forty miles long and only ten miles wide at the mouth, is eminently adapted for a naval base. Will Great Britain object to Germany's proposed disturbance of the strategic balance now existing 1 Neither Libreville nor Loanga is as near to Britain's trade routes as Agadir; still they are close enough to constitute a menace if fortified and held by an enemy. Much of New Zealand's imports from Great Britain, a considerable portion of Australia's exports and imports, and practically the whole of South Africa's trade with Europe pass relatively near to the Congo ports. Hostile cruisers using the two ports as bases could inflict immense damage on the merchant shipping following the Cape of Good Hope routes. According to Lloyd's Register Book, the United Kingdom and the British dominions and dependencies own 11,495 vessels (above 100 tons), which aggregate 19,012,2!)-! j tons—or nearly half the entire shipping of the world. In a war involving Great Britain half the shipping of tho world would therefore be threatened by Britain's enemies. Germany has 4,333,186 tons, considerably less than one-fourth of the ! British total. Further, the Declaration of London makes it possible for merchantmen to be transformed into warships. Under conditions such as these the proposed multiplying of foreign naval bases on Great, Britain's principal trade routes must rank as a subject of highest consequence affecting the safety and wellbeing of tho British Empire.