WILLIAM THE ASSASSIN

Cromwell Argus, Volume L, Issue 2646, 27 October 1919, Page 7

WILLIAM THE ASSASSIN

ETHICS OF JUS TRIAL. “ The worst of all ways of dealing' with the Kaiser is to bring him bolmv •> leisurely tribunal in London. states tin ‘Outlook.’ “There is no precedent loi applying the common law ol England to a foreign ruler, and a precedent created might operate very awkwardly m Uut there is a very go'.xl precedent lot dealing with a European nuisance : the precedent of Napoleon: and might verv well be followed in this ei|se. The ‘Law Journal’ declares that ‘ the so-called trial of the ex-Kaiser is a political act uurc and simple. “It possesses no foundations whatever cither in the principles common to all the jiuispin donee of the world, or in any known bodv of law. or hi any recognised code of procedure. The charge is drawn with ihat astute vagueness of which only the modern politician, with his eye mi the electorate, is capable, the offences alleged, being ' against humanity and the sanctity of treaties.’ In other words, the justice to be administered is at present undefined, unforiiniliited, *md adaptable -m advance to any conceivable situation. An attempt is being made. mounting tins piece of political play-acting in quasiIcgal trappings, to pretend to the world that some question of law is involved iu which some persons holding judicial office will take part, and so give an appearance of legality to the proceedings, it is necessary, therefore, to make it clear that, to jurists and the legal profession generally, the whole of this votecatching business has no more than a political interest. ’’ Sir Donald Maclean. M.P., leader or the Independent Liberals in the House of Commons, speaking at Birmingham, said he regretted that the Kaiser should be tried in London. He admitted there was nothing too bad for a man of that kind a miserable, strutting coward on the world’s stage —but he doubted very much whether it was in consequence with the dignity and fine, attitude of this country to°claim the presence of that contemptible wretch in the principal city of the British Empire. By all means try him, but send him to some little neutral State. Give him a fair trial, but send the creature away.

“ Notwithstanding the official announcement that the Kaiser is to be granted a fair trial, I can observe no general disposition to treat his case as sub judice,” savs “Jade” in the ‘New .Statesman.’

“ Looking through one newspaper the other day, 1 found Mr Tillott calling for his ex-Majesty’s removal from the earth. Sir Gilbert Parker demanding his internment in some distant island, and Lady Byron supplementing a plea for a judicial invstigation with the palpably biased remark that should the defendant nut be condemned to the gallows or the guillotine. then the foulest deeds must be applauded. and floral tributes laid on the shrine of Satan. Even ‘an eminent

K.L'..’ writing on the subject under that designation, is betrayed at one point into speaking of the- accused person as •tlv> greatest criminal in history,’ and, indeed, it must be difficult for anybody in these islands to think or speak otherwise!. Obviously, however, these are scarcely the terms in which a truly judicial im partiality would express itself.” • ■ We "have got to publish, for all the world to see, the results of and Ihe spirit of Prussian frightful ness,” says the ‘Spectator.’ “.But one of the best ways, perhaps the best of for doing this is the solemn record of a criminal trial. It is idle to say that it shows want of maipianimily, or that it is like kicking a when he is down, for the victors to In,|<l up his misdeeds for the eyes of the world. We must never forget, as wo have just said, that it is only those who arc successful who can do this. We dare not miss this opportunity of putting the brand of Gain upon the brow of Prnssianisni. The (timing generation must know and fear the Nemesis of cruelty mid Hate, of Blood-lust and the Pitilessuess of a deified Materialism.’